Journal articles: 'Somalia´s constitution of 2012' – Grafiati (2024)

Abstract:

This study aims to understand the legal review on Decision of the Constitutional Court No. 28/PUU-XI/2013 on the review of Law No. 17 of 2012 on Cooperatives against The 1945 Constitution. The benefits of this research are socialization and provide legal awareness about cooperatives activities in Indonesia. This research uses a normative approach that focuses on studying the legal and regulatory norms associated with the object of the problem. The technical analysis used in this study is the Hermeneutic and Interpretation analysis methods. The results of the study indicate that Phrase “natural person” in the cooperatives sense was based on Article 1 point 1 of Law No. 17 of 2012 is against Article 33 section (1) of The 1945 Constitution because that definition leads to individualism. Furthermore, although the Petitioner's petition is only regarding certain articles it contains substantial norm content, it will cause other articles in Law No. 17 of 2012 has no binding legal force. Therefore the Petitioner's petition must be declared in accordance with the law for all contents of Law No. 17 of 2012. As for the sake of legal certainty, Law No. 25 of 1992 valid for a while awaiting the establishment of a new Law.

Abstract:

This research focused to analyze arrangements about implementation of the loss subtitution gift for a land deliverance in the process of the land supplying which is attached in Indonesian‟s Contitution Number 2 Year 2012 in the perspective of Islamic Law. The problem which will answered in the research is about the arrangements is it according to the concept of the loss subtitution gift in Islamic law? The research is a normative law research library research type which is use a comparative analysis method as a method used to supply the answer of the problem in the research. The results of the research there are: First, in the perspective of fiqh problem in the research. The results of the research there are: First, in the perspective of fiqh importance reconstruction has been according to the concept of kafâlah in the conference and the loss substitution gift stage when agreement about the amount of the loss substitution reached . However in the next stage when the owner of land do not agree about amount of the loss substitution gift, the constitution has not been according to the concept ot kafâlah particularly, and the principles of the fiqh muamalah generally. Second, based on the fiqh siyasah perspective, the constitution can be concluded that it has been according to the principles of fiqh siyasah. Because the infra structure development for the general importance has been relevance to the maslahah of the citizen and the nation. Based on this argument, all of the citizen of Indonesia have to obey the constitution for the maslahah realization.

Abstract:

AT the behest of the Law Commission, Contempt of Court: Scandalising the Court (18 December 2012), Parliament recently abolished the common law offence of scandalising the court (s. 33 of the Crime and Courts Act 2013). But the offence is still frequently found in many parts of the common law world and the decision of the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council in Dhooharika v DPP of Mauritius [2014] UKPC 11; [2014] 3 W.L.R. 1081 may indicate its future in common law jurisdictions. The Privy Council was asked to decide, inter alia, whether the common law offence was compatible with s. 12 of the Constitution of Mauritius. Section 12 protects a person's freedom of expression but also makes saving for any law, or any act done pursuant to law, which aims to maintain the authority and independence of the courts and which is reasonably justifiable to that end.

Abstract:

Mongolian foreign direct investment is governed by the “Constitution”, “Foreign Investment Law” and other laws as well as international treaties to which Mongolia is a party. Mongolian s foreign direct investment fell by 35.8% from 2010 to 2011, 43.52% from 2012 to 2013, and 27.3% from 2014 to 2018. In recent years, there has been a trend of focusing foreign direct investment in the mining industry. As the inflow of foreign direct investment declines and the outflow increases, the economy still faces a series of problems, including foreign debt, budget deficits, exchange rates, and unemployment. This highlights the need to pay attention to the current investment environment and investment attractiveness policies, as well as appropriate policies that are in Mongolia’s interests. For this reason, it is still necessary to determine the prospects of foreign direct investment in Mongolia, the concentration of foreign direct investment in the non-mining sector, the implementation of foreign direct investment policy and its impact on the economy. Therefore, the purpose is to study and improve Mongolia’s foreign direct investment policy.

Abstract:

The aim of this article is to demonstrate that, although South Africa has permissive termination-of-pregnancy legislation, to the extent that women can terminate first- and second-trimester pregnancies on demand and for socio-economic reasons, foetal interests are in fact taken into account. The system of female reproductive rights progressively shelters foetal interests, albeit to a limited extent. South Africa is in the process of successfully balancing the conflicting notions of female reproductive rights and foetal interests. The article discusses the "right to terminate a pregnancy" with reference to the Constitution, the Choice on Termination of Pregnancy Act 92 of 1996 and relevant case law. On the topic of foetal interests, the article looks at the Choice on Termination of Pregnancy Act as legislative recognition of foetal interests since a woman's right to terminate her pregnancy is progressively limited as the pregnancy advances beyond the second trimester. The value of dignity justifies the recognition of foetal interests. Further, accepting that the Choice on Termination of Pregnancy Act limitedly protects foetal interests based on the value of dignity, the article questions why South Africa permits elective second trimester termination of pregnancies? Research indicates a need for second trimester terminations and the article discusses the position of a number of women seeking second trimester terminations. The article draws to an end by looking at the case of S v Mshumpa as an example of the balancing process that is needed when dealing with female reproductive rights and foetal interests. This article demonstrates the constitutional setting of women's termination-of-pregnancy rights on the one hand, and foetal interests on the other. Further, it illustrates that these conflicting positions, rather than being deepened, are in fact balanced by legislation and relevant case law.

Abstract:

Raja Rammohan Roy has been called various things, from the first Indian liberal and a ‘maker of modern India’ to one who could bring about little more than a caricature of promised transformation. That Roy saw himself as a subject of the English King is much less analysed. The following essay takes this self-perception of Roy as a ‘British subject’ as a clue to develop a twofold problematic on the nature of religion and law in Roy’s lifetime, that is, between the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century. (a) We emphasize the importance of the King of England, and the importance of Kingship in which religion and law cannot be disentangled. This is established through an examination of the institutional arrangements in relationship to Kingship in the British Isles and the subcontinent, a study of S. T. Coleridge’s On the Constitution of the Church and State (London: Hurst, Chance and Co., 1830) and John Austin’s Province of Jurisprudence Determined (Delhi: Universal Publishers, 2012), amongst lesser known texts. (b) From an investigation into this religio-political constitution, we will explore the other dimensions opened up in Roy’s self-perception as a subject, that is, the relationship between religion, law and public reason in colonial India. By Roy’s ‘public hermeneutics’, we mean his arguing in the public medium of print as much as for a public (the colonial state and the reading public). But we also mean his use of reason in a sustained fashion so as to critique social and legal conditions. His arguments in structural and substantive terms, as we show, allow one to re-think the relationship between religion, law and universality.

Abstract:

The article, Prestige and Powers of "The World of Big Power'', Tanah Papua as Specific Case, the author intends for Subtopic to two and at the same time can also to accommodate the third problem of formulation being raised in dissertation entitled: " Re-Roadmap of the Papuan in State of Papua Courant West : “A Peaceful Solution Recovering of Identity”. That is by treading Returning Roadmap, referring to Unilateral Declaration of Independence/UDI of the Papua Nation and the Federal Republic of West Papua/NRFPB on October 19, 2011. The study describes in five main topics, namely, (1) Defining "Hidden Structure" in Melanesian-Papua Social Cultural highlighting Papuanistiecs and Melanesianology; (2) Prestige and Powers of “The World Big Power'', Tanah Papua as Specific Case, reveals how the influence of ”The Giant Powers” to the problem of Papua; (3) Federalism in Indonesia revealing Melanesian-Papua in Tanah Papua as Special Case versus the Unitary Republic of Indonesia; (4) Constitution vis-à -vis Constitution illustrates the philosophical correlation among Indonesian constitution 1945 versus Papua constitution 1999; (5) Unilateral Declaration/UDI of the Papua Nation and NRFPB on October 19, 2011. The background of the study is based on two keys of Morgenthou thoughts: First, Morgenthou (2012) confirmed that, during the 17 years from 1945 to 1962, the process to Indonesia-nizing the Papuans are generally still in the stage of seeding while growing only in some urban areas and the government center. Awareness to be Indonesian-ness was yet to reach all areas of Papua. Morgenthou (2012) that the presence of all Indonesia's past greatly influenced the policies and the approach taken by both the Dutch and Indonesian government through the nationalist’s initiators role at that time. Second, study of LIPI in 2007 (Soewarsono, ed.) is still questions to the Indonesian-ness of Papuans reinforces the view of Morgenthou (2012), which states that the process to Indonesian-ness among Papuans still weak. Morgenthou concluded that, in fact, to understand the history of Papua will become a basic reference for the government seek and find out the right way and dignified in overcoming the issues of Papua, though on the other hand George Junus Aditjondro, 1999 clamming, the Government and Important People of Indonesia has curled the history of Papua which by the Papuans wanting to be straightened out: "This is the dark history of Papua in Indonesian Historiography". Thoughts of Morgenthou strengthens the authors thought that the various problems occurred in Papua, especially the facts involve "Merdeka Papua". Referring to the failure of Indonesia-nizing of the Papuans, it appears that it is not necessary regrettable because in fact, they are different by nature or in the growth process since in the hands of Dutch colonial control of the Dutch East Indies (for Papua 1826-1949-1962). Precisely when indecision of the President of Indonesia to the case of Papua was safe step into alternative measures of the Melanesian-Papua themselves must be hacked through, UDI of Papuan Nation and NRFPB on October 19, 2011. The research focuses on studies of literature and interviews by the method of Descriptive Analysis and to assemble the Hidden Structure and Correlation Studies to reflect the relationships between aspects on the basis of Motivation Theory, Theory of Conflict, Theory of Social Change and Theory of Balance and Theory of Realist implied through sub-theories positioned as tools to characterize, recognize, and understanding as well as tools to analyze (dissect) the problems issues to be raised in this written work. In connection with this, the author is improving the nature of Hidden Structure as Grand Theory. Formulations of the problems might be: (1). How to understand the present of the Melanesian-Papua in Tanah Papua? (2). May the existence of Papua to be returning to the attention of Prestige and Powers of "The World Big Power" for its political status to be reviewed at the UN? (4). Whether, the Melanesian-Papua and the Indonesian in Tanah Papua can together according to the federalist order of Melanesian-Papua? (4). How is the condition of Indonesian society and customs of Melanesian-Papua can be brought together to create a bilateral solidarity for the multilateralbeneficial and usefulness?

Abstract:

In the aftermath of America's Civil War, national lawmakers who chronicled the fall of slavery described the North as a terrain of states whose representatives assembled in Congress, as evidenced in Henry Wilson's The Rise and Fall of the Slave Power in America (1872–77) and Alexander Stephens's A Constitutional View of the Late War Between the States (1868–70). Beginning in the early 1900s, scholars who helped establish the field of American constitutional history redescribed the national government as the voice of the Northern people and the foe of the states, as evidenced in Henry Wilson's The Rise and Fall of the Slave Power in America (1872–1877) and Alexander Stephens's A Constitutional View of the Late War Between the States (1868–1870), a first generation of scholars writing during the Progressive Era redescribed the national government as the voice of the Northern people and the foe of the states, as evidenced in William A. Dunning's Essays on the Civil War and Reconstruction (1898), John W. Burgess's The Civil War and the Constitution (1901–1906), and James G. Randall's Constitutional Problems Under Lincoln (1926). Although a second generation of scholars uncovered traces of the lawmakers' perspective of states, new efforts in the wake of the civil rights movement to understand the internal workings of political parties and the contributions of ordinary Americans kept the study of national lawmakers and their states on the margins of inquiry, as evidenced in leading revisionist histories of Reconstruction, including Harold Hyman's A More Perfect Union: The Impact of the Civil War and Reconstruction on the Constitution (1973), Michael Les Benedict's A Compromise of Principle: Congressional Republicans and Reconstruction, 1863–1869 (1974a), and Eric Foner's Reconstruction: An Unfinished Revolution (1988). Today, the terrain of Northern states remains in the backdrop, as illustrated in recent studies featuring the wartime national government, including James Oakes's Freedom National: The Destruction of Slavery in the United States, 1861–1865 (2012) and Mark E. Neely, Jr.'s Lincoln and the Triumph of the Nation: Constitutional Conflict in the American Civil War (2011), as well as studies of the mechanisms of constitutional change during Reconstruction, including relevant sections of Bruce Ackerman's We the People II: Transformations (1998) and Akhil Reed Amar's America's Constitution: A Biography (2005). This review essay argues that incorporating the states back into this century‐old framework will open new lines of inquiry and provide a more complete account of federalism's role in the fall of slavery. In particular, a return to the archives suggests that in the uncertain context of mid‐nineteenth‐century America, slavery's leading opponents in Congress saw the Constitution's federal logic not simply as an obstacle, but as a crucial tool with which to mobilize collective action and accommodate wartime opposition at a time when no one could say for sure what would remain of the United States.

Abstract:

The paper analyses Syed Amanuddin’s “Don’t Call Me Indo-Anglian” from the perspective of a cultural materialist. In an effort to understand Amanuddin’s contempt for the term, the matrix of identity, language and cultural ideology has been explored. The politics of the representation of the self and the other that creates a chasm among human beings has also been discussed. The impact of the British colonialism on the language and psyche of people has been taken into account. This is best visible in the seemingly innocent introduction of English in India as medium of instruction which has subsequently brought in a new kind of sensibility and culture unknown hitherto in India. Indians experienced them in the form of snobbery, racism, highbrow and religious bigotry. P C Ray and M K Gandhi resisted the introduction of English as the medium of instruction. However, a new class of Indo-Anglians has emerged after independence which is not different from the Anglo-Indians in their attitude towards India. The question of identity has become important for an Indian irrespective of the spatial or time location of a person. References Abel, E. (1988). The Anglo-Indian Community: Survival in India. Delhi: Chanakya. Atharva Veda. Retrieved from: http://vedpuran.files.wordpress.com/2011/10/atharva-2.pdf Bethencourt, F. (2013). Racisms: From the Crusades to the Twentieth Century. Princeton: Princeton UP. Bhagvadgita:The Song of God. Retrieved from: www.holy-bhagavad-gita.org Constitution of India [The]. (2007). New Delhi: Ministry of Law and Justice, Govt of India, 2007, Retrieved from: www.lawmin.nic.in/coi/coiason29july08.pdf. Cousins, J. H. (1918). The Renaissance in India. Madras: Madras: Ganesh & Co., n. d., Preface is dated June 1918, Retrieved from: https://archive.org/details/in.ernet.dli.2015.203914 Daruwalla, K. (2004). The Decolonised Muse: A Personal Statement. Retrieved from: https://www.poetryinternationalweb.net/pi/site/cou_article/item/2693/The-Decolonised-Muse/en Gale, T. (n.d.) Christian Impact on India, History of. Encyclopedia of India. Encyclopedia.com. Retrieved from: https://www.encyclopedia.com. Gandhi M K. (1938). My Own Experience. Harijan, Retrieved from: www.mkgandhi.org/ indiadreams/chap44.htm ---. “Medium of Education”. The Selected Works of Gandhi, Vol. 5, Retrieved from: www.mkgandhi.org/edugandhi/education.htm Gist, N. P., Wright, R. D. (1973). Marginality and Identity: Anglo-Indians as a Racially-Mixed Minority in India. Leiden: Brill. Godard, B. (1993). Marlene NourbeSe Philip’s Hyphenated Tongue or, Writing the Caribbean Demotic between Africa and Arctic. In Major Minorities: English Literatures in Transit, (pp. 151-175) Raoul Granquist (ed). Amsterdam, Rodopi. Gokak, V K. (n.d.). English in India: Its Present and Future. Bombay et al: Asia Publishing House. Retrieved from https://archive.org/details/in.ernet.dli.2015.460832. Gopika, I S. (2018). Rise of the Indo-Anglians in Kerala. The New Indian Express. Retrieved from www.newindianexpress.com/cities/kochi/2018/feb/16/rise-of-the-indo-anglians-in-kerala-1774446.html Hall, S. (1996). Who Needs ‘Identity’? In Questions of Cultural Identity, (pp. 1-17). Stuart Hall and Paul du Gay (eds.). London: Sage. Lobo, A. (1996a). Anglo-Indian Schools and Anglo-Indian Educational Disadvantage. Part 1. International Journal of Anglo-Indian Studies, 1(1), 13-30. Retrieved from www.international-journal-of-anglo-indian-studies.org ---. (1996b). Anglo-Indian Schools and Anglo-Indian Educational Disadvantage. Part 2. International Journal of Anglo-Indian Studies. 1(2), 13-34. Retrieved from: www.international-journal-of-anglo-indian-studies.org Maha Upanishad. Retrieved from: http://www.gayathrimanthra.com/contents/documents/ Vedicrelated/Maha_Upanishad Montaut, A. (2010). English in India. In Problematizing Language Studies, Cultural, Theoretical and Applied Perspectives: Essays in Honour of Rama Kant Agnihotri. (pp. 83-116.) S. I. Hasnain and S. Chaudhary (eds). Delhi: Akar Books. Retrieved from: https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00549309/document Naik, M K. (1973). Indian Poetry in English. Indian Literature. 16(3/4) 157-164. Retrieved from: www.jstor.org/stable/24157227 Pai, S. (2018). Indo-Anglians: The newest and fastest-growing caste in India. Retrieved from: https://scroll.in/magazine/867130/indo-anglians-the-newest-and-fastest-growing-caste-in-india Pearson, M. N. (1987). The Portuguese in India. Cambridge: Cambridge UP. Rai, S. (2012). India’s New ‘English Only’ Generation. Retrieved from: https://india.blogs.nytimes.com/2012/06/01/indias-new-english-only-generation/ Ray, P. C. (1932). Life and Experiences of a Bengali Chemist. Calcutta: Chuckervertty, Chatterjee & London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner. Retrieved from: https://archive.org/details/ in.ernet.dli.2015.90919 Rig Veda. Retrieved from: http://www.sanskritweb.net/rigveda/rv09-044.pdf. Rocha, E. (2010). Racism in Novels: A Comparative Study of Brazilian and South American Cultural History. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. Rushdie, S., West, E. (Eds.) (1997). The Vintage Book of Indian Writing 1947 – 1997. London: Vintage. Sen, S. (2010). Education of the Anglo-Indian Community. Gender and Generation: A Study on the Pattern of Responses of Two Generations of Anglo-Indian Women Living During and After 1970s in Kolkata, Unpublished Ph D dissertation. Kolkata: Jadavpur University. Retrieved from: http://shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/176756/8/08_chapter% 203.pdf Stephens, H. M. (1897). The Rulers of India, Albuqurque. Ed. William Wilson Hunter. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Retrieved from https://archive.org/details/in.ernet.dli.2015.156532 Subramaniam, A. (2017). Speaking of Ramanujan. Retrieved from: https://indianexpress.com/ article/lifestyle/books/speaking-of-ramanujan-guillermo-rodriguez-when-mirrors-are-windows-4772031/ Trevelyan, G. O. (1876). The Life and Letters of Lord Macaulay. London: Longmans, Geeen, & Co. Retrieved from: https://archive.org/details/lifelettersoflor01trevuoft Williams, B. R. (2002). Anglo-Indians: Vanishing Remnants of a Bygone Era: Anglo-Indians in India, North America and the UK in 2000. Calcutta: Tiljallah Relief. Yajurveda. Retrieved from: http://vedpuran.files.wordpress.com/2011/10/yajurved.pdf Yule, H., Burnell A. C. (1903). Hobson-Jobson: A Glossary of Colloquial Anglo-Indian Words and Phrases, and of Kindred Terms, Etymological, Historical, Geographical and Discursive. Ed. William Crooke. London: J. Murray. Retrieved from: https://archive.org/ details/hobsonjobsonagl00croogoog

Abstract:

This article presents a study that dialogued with masters and doctoral researches that took the mathematical training of teachers of the early years, in Pedagogy courses. Such researches were developed between 1978 and 2012 and consisted of the mappings performed in two works (FIORENTINI et al. 2002; FIORENTINI; PASSOS; LIMA, 2016). The study composed the doctoral thesis of the first author, who investigated what revealed by narratives of graduates of the Pedagogy course of XXX, built during the training, about playfulness, the teaching of mathematics in initial education and the constitution of a teacher who teaches math in the early years. The data discussed here were delimited from the object of the doctoral research and in a way indicated what could be produced from unheard of. The research source raised by the mapping was taken as a source of data, with the focus on the works that had “playfulness” as an important aspect of the initial teacher education that will teach mathematics in the early years and / or used “narratives” or if presented as “narrative research” - elements that articulate to the research puzzle (CLANDININ; CONNELLY, 2015), we relate 41 researches. In dialoguing with the authors of the research we seek in this article to know concepts presented in them, confronting them with theoretical frameworks that defend the playfulness and the writing of narratives in the initial teacher education that teaches mathematics in the early years.ResumoEste artigo apresenta um estudo que dialogou com pesquisas de mestrado e de doutorado que tomaram a formação matemática de professores dos anos iniciais, em cursos de Pedagogia. Tais pesquisas foram desenvolvidas entre 1978 a 2012 e constaram dos mapeamentos realizados em dois trabalhos (FIORENTINI et al. 2002; FIORENTINI; PASSOS; LIMA, 2016). O estudo compôs a tese de doutoramento do primeiro autor, que investigou o que revelam narrativas de licenciandos do curso de Pedagogia da Universidade Federal de São Carlos (UFSCar), construídas ao longo da formação, sobre a ludicidade, o ensino de matemática na formação inicial e o constituir-se professor que ensina(rá) matemática nos anos iniciais. Os dados aqui discutidos foram delimitados a partir do objeto da pesquisa de doutorado e de certo modo indicou o que de inédito poderia ser produzido. Tomou-se como fonte de dados as pesquisas levantadas pelos mapeamentos, com o olhar voltado para os trabalhos que tiveram a “ludicidade” como aspecto importante da formação inicial do professor que ensinará matemática nos anos iniciais e/ou utilizou “narrativas” ou se apresentaram como “pesquisas narrativas” – elementos que se articulam ao puzzle (CLANDININ; CONNELLY, 2015) de pesquisa, relacionamos 41 pesquisas. Ao dialogar com os autores das pesquisas buscamos neste artigo conhecer conceitos apresentados nas mesmas, confrontá-los com referenciais teóricos que defendem a ludicidade e a escrita de narrativas na formação inicial de professores que ensinam(rão) matemática nos anos iniciais.Palavras-chave: Formação do professor, Ensino de matemática, Ludicidade, Narrativas.Keywords: Teacher education, Math education, Playfulness, Narratives.ReferencesALARCÃO, I. Professores reflexivos em uma escola reflexiva. São Paulo: Cortez, 2003.AMARAL, M. J.; MOREIRA, M. A.; RIBEIRO, D. O papel do supervisor no desenvolvimento do professor reflexivo: estratégias de supervisão. In: ALARCÃO, I. Formação reflexiva de professores: estratégias de supervisão. Porto: Porto, 1996. p. 89-122.BOLZAN, D. P. V. Formação de professores: compartilhando e reconstruindo conhecimentos. Porto Alegre: Editora Mediação, 2002.BRASIL. Parecer CNE/CP nº 09, de 08 de maio de 2001. Institui as diretrizes curriculares nacionais para a formação de professores da educação básica, em nível superior, curso de licenciatura, de graduação plena. Brasília, DF, 2001.CLANDININ, D. J. Engaging in narrative inquiry. Walnut Creek: Left Coast Press. 2013.CLANDININ, D. J.; CONNELLY, F. M. Pesquisa Narrativa: Experiência e História em Pesquisa Qualitativa. Uberlândia: EDUFU, 2015.COSTA, S. C. S. O professor que ensina Matemática nos anos iniciais do Ensino Fundamental: limites e possibilidades do curso de Licenciatura em Pedagogia. 2011. 171 f. Dissertação (Mestrado) – Universidade Cruzeiro do Sul (Unicsul), São Paulo, 2011. Orientador: Edda Curi. Disponível em: https://drive.google.com/open?id=0BzWBKwxWqsbtdTMteURzWkR5UXMCUNHA, R. B. Lembranças de escola na formação inicial de professores. In: PRADO, G. D. V. T.; CUNHA, R. B. Percursos de autoria: exercícios de pesquisa. Campinas: Alínea, 2007. p. 97-112.CURI, E. Formação de professores polivalentes: uma análise de conhecimentos para ensinar matemática e de crenças e atitudes que interferem na constituição desses conhecimentos. 2004. 278 f. Tese (Doutorado) – Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo (PUC-SP), São Paulo, 2004. Orientador: Célia Maria Carolino PiresDARSIE, M. M. P. A reflexão distanciada na construção dos conhecimentos do professor em curso de formação inicial. Tese de Doutorado. Universidade de São Paulo. São Paulo. 1998.FERNÁNDEZ, A. O Saber em jogo: a psicopedagogia propiciando autorias de pensamento. Tradução de Neusa Kern Hickel. Porto Alegre: Artmed, 2001.FIORENTINI, D. et al. Formação de professores que ensinam matemática : um balanço de 25 anos de pesquisa brasileira. Educação em Revista, Belo Horizonte, 2002. 137-159.FIORENTINI, D.; PASSOS, C. L. B.; LIMA, R. C. R. Mapeamento da pesquisa acadêmica brasileira sobre o professor que ensina matemática: período 2001 - 2012. Campinas: FE/Unicamp, 2016.FLORES, M. A. Person and context in becoming a new teacher. Journal of Education for Teaching, v. 27, p. 135-148, 2001.FLORES, M. A.; DAY, C. Contexts which shape and reshape new teachers’ identities: a multi-perspective study. Teaching and Teacher Education, v. 22, p. 219- 232, 2006.HUIZINGA, J. hom*o Ludens: o jogo como elemento da cultura. 7ª. ed. São Paulo: Perspectiva, 2012.LARROSA BONDÍA, J. Tecnologias do eu e educação. In: SILVA, T. T. D. O sujeito da educação: estudos foucaultianos. Petrópolis: Vozes, 1994. p. 35-86.MEGID, M. A. B. A. Formação inicial de professoras mediada pela escrita e pela análise de narrativas sobre operações numéricas. 2009. 219f. Tese (Doutorado) – Universidade Estadual de Campinas (Unicamp), Campinas, 2009. Orientador: Dario Fiorentini. Disponível em: https://drive.google.com/open?id=0BzWBKwxWqsbtMlBjTDFOeThRc1EOLIVEIRA, R. M. M. A. Narrativas de formação: Aspectos da trajetória como estudante e experiências de estágio. Interacções, Portugal, vol.7. nº18. 2011. 229-245.PIMENTA, S. G. Formação de professores - saberes da docência e identidade do professor. Revista Faculdade de Educação, São Paulo, julho 1996. 72-89.RITZMANN, C. D. S. O jogo na atividade de ensino: um estudo das ações didáticas de professores em formação inicial. 2009. 191f. Dissertação (Mestrado) – Universidade de São Paulo (USP), São Paulo, 2009. Orientador: Manoel Oriosvaldo de Moura. Disponível em: https://drive.google.com/open?id=0BzWBKwxWqsbtOFAzSGtONy1NYUESANTOS, S. A. Experiências narradas no ciberespaço: um olhar para as formas de se pensar e ser professora que ensina Matemática. 2009. Dissertação (Mestrado em Educação) ? Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul, UFRGS, Porto Alegre (RS). Orientador: Samuel Edmundo López Bello. Disponível em: http://www.lume.ufrgs.br/handle/10183/21385SANTOS, S. M. P; CRUZ. D. R. M. O. O lúdico na formação do educador. 9ª. ed. Petrópolis: Vozes, 2011.SERRAZINA, M. D. L. M. A formação para o ensino de matemática: perspectivas futuras. In: SERRAZINA, M. D. L. M. A formação para o ensino da matemática na educação pré-escolar e no 1° ciclo do ensino básico. Porto: Porto Editora, 2002. p. 9- 19.SILVA, A. J. N. S. Querido diário... o que revelam as narrativas sobre ludicidade, formação e futura prática do professor que ensina(rá) matemática nos anos iniciais. 2018. Tese (Doutorado em Educação) - Universidade Federal de São Carlos, campus São Carlos, São Carlos. 2018.SILVA, A. J. N. S. A ludicidade no laboratório: considerações sobre a formação do futuro professor de matemática. Curitiba: Editora CRV, 2014.SOUZA, E. C. A arte de contar e trocar experiências: Reflexões teórico-metodológicas sobre história de vida em formação. Revista Educação em Questão, Natal, Janeiro 2006. 22-39TORICELLI, L. A colaboração em um grupo de alunas da Pedagogia que ensinam (ou ensinarão) Matemática. 2009. 184 f. Dissertação (Mestrado) – Universidade São Francisco (USF), Itatiba, 2009. Orientador: Regina Célia Grando. Disponível em: https://drive.google.com/open?id=0BzWBKwxWqsbtc1hWWEJlODlqU28ZABALZA, M. Diários de aula: contributo para o estudo dos dilemas práticos dos professores. Porto: Porto Editora, 1994.e3631066

Abstract:

Citrus canker, caused by Xanthom*onas citri pv. citri, is a bacterial disease of economic importance in tropical and sub-tropical citrus-producing areas (EPPO-PQR online database). X. citri pv. citri causes severe infection in a wide range of citrus species, and induces erumpent, callus-like lesions with water-soaked margins leading to premature fruit drop and twig dieback. It has consequently been subjected to eradication efforts and international regulations. It was first described on the African continent in South Africa at the beginning of the 20th century, from which it was eventually eradicated. Since 2006, several outbreaks caused by phylogenetically diverse strains of X. citri pv. citri have been reported from several African countries (Ethiopia, Mali, Senegal, and Somalia). In July 2011, citrus canker in Burkina Faso was suspected in the area adjacent to the Sikassso Province of Mali where X. citri pv. citri has been confirmed. In November and December 2012, leaves of clementine (Citrus clementina), lemon (C. limon), Volkamer lemon (C. volkameriana), sweet orange (C. sinensis), tangelo (C. paradisi× C. reticulata), and mandarin (C. reticulata) were collected from orchards with trees showing symptoms of citrus canker in the Comoé, Houet, and Kénédougou provinces of Burkina Faso. Isolations performed using KC semi-selective medium (4) recovered 45 Xanthom*onas-like strains. All Xanthom*onas-like strains were tentatively identified as X. citri pv. citri by PCR (4/7 primers) using IAPAR 306 and sterile distilled water as the positive and negative controls, respectively (3). Among these, two strains (LK4-4 and LK4-5) produced a ‘fuscans’-like brown diffusible pigment, a phenotype never reported previously for X. citri pv. citri. MultiLocus Sequence Analysis targeting six housekeeping genes (atpD, dnaK, efp, gltA, gyrB, and lepA) (1,2) fully identified seven strains from Burkina Faso (LJ301-1, LJ303-1, LK1-1, LK2-6, LK4-3, LK4-4, and LK4-5) as X. citri pv. citri (and not to any other Xanthom*onas pathovars pathogenic to citrus or host range-restricted pathotypes of pathovar citri), and more specifically as sequence type ST2 which is composed mostly of pathotype A strains of X. citri pv. citri (2). The same seven strains were inoculated to at least four leaves of each of grapefruit cv. Henderson, Mexican lime SRA 140 (C. aurantifolia), Tahiti lime SRA 58 (C. latifolia), and sweet orange cv. Washington Navel, using a detached leaf assay (2). All strains developed typical erumpent, callus-like tissue at wound sites on all citrus species inoculated. No lesions developed on the negative control (sterile 10 mM tris buffer). Koch's postulate was fulfilled after reisolation of Xanthom*onas-like yellow colonies from symptoms on Mexican lime produced by the seven strains. Boiled bacterial suspensions were assayed by PCR with 4/7 primers (3) and produced the expected 468-bp amplicon in contrast with the PCR negative control. To our knowledge, this is the first report of X. citri pv. citri in Burkina Faso. Citrus canker-free nurseries and grove sanitation should be implemented for reducing the prevalence of Asiatic canker in Burkina Faso and a thorough survey of citrus nurseries and groves in the region should be conducted. References: (1) N. F. Almeida et al. Phytopathology 100:208, 2010. (2) L. Bui Thi Ngoc et al. Int. J. Syst. Evol. Microbiol. 60:515, 2010. (3) J. S. Hartung et al. Phytopathology 86:95, 1996. (4) O. Pruvost et al. J. Appl. Microbiol. 99:803, 2005.

Abstract:

This article is born from the results of a larger research that aimed to identify the relationship that the teacher establishes between his personal dimensions (identity) and the professional dimensions (teacher identity) in his formation and his practice, through reflection on his daily action. At this moment of the research the objective was to identify and describe the reflexive processes observed on the practical action of the teacher, as well as the paths covered in the formation and constitution of the professional identity. For this, the methodology of writing class diaries was used, mainly based on Zabalza's theoretical framework. The journals were developed by five teachers during three months in a semester, with subsequent reflection of the reports from a script presented to them by the researchers. The data, analyzed by the technique of Content Analysis, according to Bardin, revealed five categories that made explicit on the knowledge of teaching practice, reflexive processes, teacher training and the constitution of their professional identity. The results showed that the methodology used (class diaries) was efficient in order to allow a space for reflection, as a way to build an effective practice that is consistent with the personal issues of the professional. The reflections made by the teachers indicate that they live the complexities of the profession as a great burden to bear having unfinished ideas on coping strategies.ResumoEste artigo nasce dos resultados de uma pesquisa maior que objetivou identificar a relação que o professor estabelece entre suas dimensões pessoais (identidade) e as dimensões profissionais (identidade docente) na sua formação e na sua prática, através da reflexão sobre sua ação diária. Neste momento da pesquisa, o objetivo era identificar e descrever os processos reflexivos observados sobre a ação prática do professor, bem como os caminhos percorridos na formação e constituição da identidade profissional. Para tal foi utilizada a metodologia de redação de diários de aula, embasados, primordialmente, no referencial teórico da Zabalza. Os diários foram desenvolvidos por cinco docentes durante três meses em um semestre letivo, com posterior reflexão dos relatos a partir de um roteiro apresentado a eles pelos pesquisadores. Os dados, analisados pela técnica de Análise de Conteúdo, segundo Bardin, revelaram cinco categorias que explicitaram sobre os saberes da prática docente, os processos reflexivos, a formação do professor e a constituição de sua identidade profissional. Os resultados mostraram que a metodologia utilizada (diários de aula) foi eficiente no sentido de permitir um espaço destinado à reflexão, como forma de construir uma prática eficaz e condizente com as questões pessoais do profissional. As reflexões feitas pelos professores indicam que vivem as complexidades da profissão como uma grande carga a se carregar tendo ideias inacabadas sobre estratégias de enfrentamento das mesmas.ResumenEste artículo nace de los resultados de una investigación mayor que objetivó identificar la relación que el profesor establece entre sus dimensiones personales (identidad) y las dimensiones profesionales (identidad docente) en su formación y en su práctica, a través de la reflexión sobre su acción diaria. En este momento de la investigación el objetivo era identificar y describir los procesos reflexivos observados sobre la acción práctica del profesor, así como los caminos recorridos en la formación y constitución de la identidad profesional. Para ello se utilizó la metodología de redacción de diarios de clase, fundamentados, primordialmente, en el referencial teórico de Zabalza. Los diarios fueron desarrollados por cinco docentes durante tres meses en un semestre lectivo, con posterior reflexión de los relatos a partir de un guión presentado a ellos por los investigadores. Los datos, analizados por la técnica de Análisis de Contenido, según Bardin, revelaron cinco categorías que explicitaron sobre los saberes de la práctica docente, los procesos reflexivos, la formación del profesor y la constitución de su identidad profesional. Los resultados mostraron que la metodología utilizada (diarios de clase) fue eficiente en el sentido de permitir un espacio destinado a la reflexión, como forma de construir una práctica eficaz y acorde con las cuestiones personales del profesional. Las reflexiones hechas por los profesores indican que viven las complejidades de la profesión como una gran carga a llevarse teniendo ideas inconclusas sobre estrategias de enfrentamiento de las mismas.Palavras-chave: Formação de professores, Reflexão, Identidade profissional.Keywords: Teacher training, Reflection, Professional identity.Palabras clave: Formación de profesores, La reflexión, Identidad profesional.ReferencesAGUIAR, M. C. C. Implicações da formação continuada para a construção da identidade profissional. Psicologia da Educação, 23, 155-173, 2006.ARIBONI, S; PERITO, R. Guia Prático para um projeto de pesquisa exploratória experimental descritiva. São Paulo: Unimarco, 2004.BARDIN, L. Análise de conteúdo. Tradução Luís Antero Reto e Augusto Pinheiro. Lisboa: Edições 70, 1977.BOGDAN, R.; BIKLEN, S. K. Investigação qualitativa em educação: uma introdução à teoria e aos métodos. Porto, Portugal: Porto Editora, 1994.BORBA, O. 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F.; BOAS, A. A. V.; CARRIERI, A. P. Entre o discurso praticado e a realidade percebida no processo de formação docente. Avaliação, 17 (2), 503-528, 2012.JUNGES, K. S.; BEHRENS, M. A.; TORRES, P. L. Desenvolvimento profissional e a prática reflexiva: uma experiência de formação de docentes universitários no nível stricto sensu no paradigma da complexidade. Revista e-Curriculum, 8 (1), 1-20, 2012.LOPES, R. B.; GOMES, C. A. Paz na sala de aula é uma condição para o sucesso escolar: que revela a literatura? Ensaio: avaliação políticas públicas Educação, 20(75), 261-282, 2012.NORONHA, M. M. B.; ASSUNÇÃO, A. A.; OLIVEIRA, D. A. O sofrimento no trabalho docente: o caso das professoras da rede pública de Montes Claros, Minas Gerais. Trabalho, Educação e Saúde, 6 (1), 65-86, 2008.MARCONI, M. A.; LAKATOS, E. M. Técnicas de pesquisa: planejamento e execução de pesquisas, amostragens e técnicas de pesquisa, elaboração, análise e interpretação de dados. 3.ed. São Paulo: Atlas, 1996.NÓVOA, A. 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Trabalho, Educação e Saúde, 7(2), 285-304, 2009.SARAIVA, L. A.; WAGNER, A. A Relação Família-Escola sob a ótica de Professores e Pais de crianças que frequentam o Ensino Fundamental. Ensaio: avaliação políticas públicas Educação, 21(81), 739-772, 2013.SCHÖN, D.A. Educando o profissional reflexivo: um novo design para o ensino e a aprendizagem. Porto Alegre: Artes. Médicas, 2000.SCHÖN, D. A. Formar professores como profissionais reflexivos. In: NÓVOA, A. (org.). Os professores e a sua formação. Lisboa, Portugal: Publicações dom Quixote, p. 77-91. 1992.SCHÖN, D. A. The reflective practitioner: how professionals think in action. New York: Basic Books, 1983.SILVEIRA, L. M. O. B. A Relação Família-Escola: uma parceria possível? In: WAGNER, A. et al. Desafios Psicossociais da Família Contemporânea: pesquisas e reflexões. Porto Alegre: Artmed, p. 181-190, 2011.SIVIERI-PEREIRA, H. de O. 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Abstract:

With the aim of understanding the insertion of higher education into a new context of organization of society and State, which is managed according to the New Public Management, this work presents a comparative historical study of the organization of French and Brazilian higher education. It is concluded that the French adherence to the New Public Management is based on the knowledge economy, while the Brazilian one is based on State size reduction along the lines of the Washington Consensus; in addition, higher education institutions in both countries are organized to participate in competitions: in France, the international competition promoted by rankings, and in Brazil, the market competition.ResumoCom o objetivo de compreender a inserção do ensino superior dentro de um novo contexto de organização da sociedade e do Estado, gerido pela Nova Gestão Pública, o trabalho apresenta um estudo histórico comparativo da organização do ensino superior brasileiro e o francês. Conclui-se que a adesão francesa à Nova Gestão Pública tem como norte a economia do conhecimento, e a brasileira, a redução do Estado nos moldes do Consenso de Washington; e que as instituições de ensino superior nos dois países são organizadas para participarem de concorrências: na França, a internacional promovida pelos ranqueamentos, no Brasil, a mercantil.Palavras-chave: Ensino superior brasileiro, Ensino superior francês, Nova gestão pública, Universidade.Keywords: Brazilian higher education, French higher education, New public management, University.ReferencesAEBISCHER, S. Réinventer l'école, réinventer l'administration. Une loi pédagogique et managériale au prisme de ses producteurs. Politix, n. 98, n.2 p. 57-83 2012/2.AERES. Repères historiques. Agence d’évaluation de la recherche et de l’enseignement supérieur. Disponível em: <www.aeres-evaluation.fr/Agence/Presentation/Reperes-historiques>. Acesso em: 17 nov. 2016.AMARAL, N. C. O vínculo avaliação-regulação-financiamento nas IES brasileiras: desafios para a gestão institucional. Revista Brasileira de Política e Administração da Educação, v.27, n.1 p. 95-108, jan./abr. 2011.ATTALI, J. Rapport Pour un modèle européen d’enseignement supérieur. Paris: Ministère de l'éducation nationale, de la recherche et de la technologie, 1998.AUST, Jérôme ; CRESPY, Cécile, Napoléon renversé ? Institutionnalisation des Pôles de recherche et d'enseignement supérieur et réforme du système académique français. Revue française de science politique : Paris 2009/5 (Vol. 59), p. 915-938.BARREYRO, G. B.; ROTHEN, J. C. Para uma história da avaliação da educação superior brasileira: análise dos documentos do PARU, CNRES, GERES e PAIUB. Avaliação. Campinas - Sorocaba/SP, v.13, n.1, p. 131-152, mar 2008.BARREYRO, G. B.; ROTHEN, J. C. O Nupes e a avaliação da educação superior: concepções, propostas e posicionamentos públicos. In: CATANI, A. M.; SILVA JR., J. R.; MENEGHEL, S. A cultura da universidade pública brasileira. São Paulo: Xamã, 2011.BARROSO, H. M.; FERNANDES, I. R. Mantenedoras educacionais privadas: Histórico, organização e situação jurídica. Rio de Janeiro: Observatório Univesitário, 2007.BEZES, P. Réinventer l’État: Les réformes de l’administration française (1962-2008). Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 2009.BOLTANSKI, L.; CHIAPELLO, È. Le nouvel esprit du capitalisme. Paris: Gallimar, 2011.BRESSER-PEREIRA, L. C. A crise da América Latina: consenso de Washington ou crise fiscal? Pesquisa e Planejamento Econômico. Brasília, v. 21. n.1, p. 3-23, abr 1991.BRESSER-PEREIRA, L. C. Plano Diretor da Reforma do Aparelho do Estado. Brasília. 1995.BRUNETIÈRE, J.-R. Les indicateurs de la loi organique relative aux lois de finances (LOLF): une occasion de débat démocratique? Revue française d'administration publique, v. 117 n. 1, p. 95-111, 2006/1.CALLON, M. 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Abstract:

The present article is a research clipping whose general objective was to understand how the organizational structure of a public school made possible the work with students with disabilities for the realization of the truly inclusive education proposal. In this work we discuss the collaboration/partnership in a perspective that articulates the different segments of professionals of the school in the interlocution with the family, perspective that seeks to potentiate the learning of a student’s with disabilities. We present an experience developed with a student of Early Childhood education, in the context of a municipal school in the interior of the state of São Paulo, where the vice-director/researcher presents collaborative processes developed between teacher regent, a teacher of Specialized Educational Assistance (AEE) and an educational agent, subjects who were responsible for preparing and developing projects, activities and teaching materials for the referred student. The data produced for this work are: Teacher's Diary, student’s Individual Development Plan (PDI), evaluation record of the student’s mother, daily register of the vice-director and the reflective register of the teachers and educational agent about their experiences with the student with disabilities. The production of the data was analyzed from the indexing paradigm. Collaboration/partnership was made possible through the constitution of a group of individuals who support each other, experienced joint actions and had feelings of productive belonging, around the common goal of guaranteeing student’s learning. The participation of the family was paramount to the achievement of the objectives proposed with the student with disabilities.ResumoO presente artigo é um recorte de pesquisa que teve como objetivo geral compreender de que forma a estrutura organizativa de uma escola pública possibilitou o trabalho com os alunos público-alvo da educação especial (PAEE) para a efetivação da proposta de educação verdadeiramente inclusiva. Neste trabalho discutimos a colaboração/parceria numa perspectiva que articula os diferentes segmentos de profissionais da escola na interlocução com a família, perspectiva que almeja potencializar a aprendizagem do aluno PAEE. Apresentamos experiência desenvolvida com aluno da Educação Infantil, no contexto de uma escola municipal do interior do estado de São Paulo, em que a vice-diretora/pesquisadora apresenta processos colaborativos desenvolvidos entre professora regente, professora do Atendimento Educacional Especializado (AEE) e agente educacional, sujeitos que se responsabilizaram por elaborar e desenvolver projetos, atividades e materiais pedagógicos para o referido aluno. Os dados produzidos para este trabalho contemplam: Diário de Bordo das professoras, Plano de Desenvolvimento Individual (PDI) do aluno, registro avaliativo da mãe do aluno, caderno de registro cotidiano da vice-diretora e registro reflexivo das professoras e agente educacional sobre suas experiências junto ao aluno PAEE. A produção dos dados foi analisada a partir do paradigma indiciário. A colaboração/parceria foi possibilitada através da constituição de um grupo onde os sujeitos se apoiaram mutuamente, experimentaram ações conjuntas e tinham sentimentos de pertença produtiva, em torno do objetivo comum de garantir a aprendizagem do aluno PAEE. A participação da família foi primordial para o alcance dos objetivos propostos com o aluno PAEE.ResumenEl presente artículo es un recorte de una investigación que tuvo como objetivo general comprender de qué forma la estructura organizativa de una escuela pública posibilitó el trabajo con los alumnos con discapacidad para la realización de la propuesta educativa verdaderamente inclusiva. En este trabajo discutimos la colaboración/asociación en una perspectiva que articula los diferentes segmentos de profesionales de la escuela en la interlocución con la familia, perspectiva que pretende potencializar el aprendizaje del aluno con discapacidad. Presentamos la experiencia desarrollada con un alumno de la Educación Infantil, en el contexto de una escuela municipal del interior del estado de São Paulo, donde la vice-directora/investigadora presenta los procesos colaborativos desarrollados entre la profesora de la sala, la profesora del Atendimiento Educacional Especializados (AEE) e la agente educacional, sujetos que se responsabilizaron por elaborar y desarrollar proyectos, actividades e materiales pedagógicos para el alumno referido. Los datos producidos para este trabajo contemplan: Diario de Bordo de las profesoras, Plano de Desenvolvimiento Individual (PDI) del alumno, registro evaluativo de la madre del alumno, cuaderno de registro cotidiano de la vice-directora e registro reflexivo de las profesoras e agente educacional sobre sus experiencias con el alumno con discapacidad. La producción de los datos fue analizada a partir del paradigma indiciario. La colaboración/asociación fue posible a través de la constitución de un grupo en el cual los sujetos se apoyan mutuamente, experimentan acciones conjuntas y tuvieron sentimientos de pertenencia productiva, en torno al objetivo común de garantizar el aprendizaje del alumno con discapacidad. La participación de la familia fundamental para el logro de los objetivos propuestos con el alumno con discapacidad.Palavras-chave: Educação inclusiva, Aluno PAEE, Práticas colaborativas.Keywords: Inclusive education, Student with disabilities, Collaborative practices.Palavras clave: Educación inclusiva, Alumno com discapacidade, Prácticas inclusivas.ReferencesBETEGHELLI, Tagiane Giorgetti dos Santos. A professora coordenadora na educação infantil: na composição da organização do trabalho pedagógico e da formação dos educadores. 2018, 203p. Dissertação (Mestrado em Educação). Universidade Estadual Paulista. Instituto de Biociências. Rio Claro/SP: Unesp, 2018.BRASIL. Marcos Políticos-Legais da Educação Especial na Perspectiva da Educação Inclusiva. Ministério da Educação. Secretaria de Educação Especial. Brasília: Secretaria de Educação Especial, 2010.CAPELLINI, Vera Lúcia Messias Fialho (org.); ZANATA, Eliana Marques; PEREIRA, Verônica Aparecida. Práticas educativas: ensino colaborativo. Práticas em Educação Especial e Inclusiva na área da deficiência mental. Bauru/SP: MEC/FC/SEE, 2008.CAPELLINI, Vera Lúcia Messias Fialho. Formação Continuada por meio da Consultoria Colaborativa: compromisso com o ensino-aprendizagem de todos os alunos. In: MENDES, Enicéia Gonçalves; ALMEIDA, Maria Amélia (orgs.). A Pesquisa sobre inclusão escolar em suas múltiplas dimensões: teoria, política e formação. Marília: ABPEE, 2012.CHALUH, Laura Noemi. Do trabalho coletivo na escola: encontros na diferença. Pro-Posições. Campinas, vol. 21, nº 2 (62), maio/ago., 2010, pp. 207-223.FERNANDES, Carla Helena. Relatório Final de Estágio Pós-Doutoral. 2017, 300p. Universidade Estadual Paulista “Júlio de Mesquita Filho”. Rio Claro/SP: Unesp, 2017.GINZBURG, Carlo. Mitos, emblemas, sinais: morfologia e história. São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 1989.JESUS, Denise Meirelles de; GONÇALVES, Agda Felipe Silva; VIEIRA, Alexandro Braga; EFFGEN, Ariadna Pereira Siqueira. As políticas públicas em ação no estado do Espírito Santo: o que dizem as superintendências e as secretarias municipais de educação. In: MENDES, Enicéia Gonçalves; ALMEIDA, Maria Amélia (orgs.). A pesquisa sobre inclusão escolar em suas múltiplas dimensões: teoria, política e formação. Marília: ABPEE, 2012.LIMA, M. E. C. C.; GERALDI, C. M. G.; GERALDI, J.W. O trabalho com narrativas na investigação em educação. Educação em Revista. Belo Horizonte, vol.31, nº.01, jan-mar., 2015, pp. 17-44.MAZZOTTA, Marcos José da Silveira. Educação Especial no Brasil: História e Políticas Públicas. 3ª ed. São Paulo: Cortez, 2001.MENDES, Enicéia Gonçalves; VILARONGA, Carla Ariela Rios; ZERBATO, Ana Paula. Ensino colaborativo como apoio à inclusão escolar: unindo esforços entre educação comum e especial. São Carlos: EdUFSCar, 2014.ORSATI, Fernanda T. Acomodações, modificações e práticas efetivas para a sala de aula inclusiva. Temas sobre Desenvolvimento, 19 (107). São Paulo: pp. 213-222, 2013.PRIMO, Dorian Regina B. S.; MOTTA JÚNIOR, Ademar Simões da. A influência da ludicidade na aquisição da aprendizagem de crianças com necessidades educativas especiais nas séries iniciais. In: CARVALHO, Edemir de; CARVALHO, Carmem Silvia B. F. (orgs.). Práticas Pedagógicas: entre as teorias e metodologias, as necessidades educativas especiais. Marília: Oficina Universitária. São Paulo: Cultura Acadêmica, 2012.RIO CLARO. Projeto Político Pedagógico da Escola Municipal Professor Victorino Machado. Rio Claro: Secretaria Municipal da Educação, 2015.RIO CLARO. Reorientação Curricular da Rede Municipal de Educação de RioClaro. Rio Claro, SP: Secretaria Municipal da Educação, 2008.RIZZI, E.; GONZALEZ, M.; XIMENES, S. Direito humano à educação. Coleção Manual de Direitos Humanos. 2ª ed. Organização: Plataforma Dhesca Brasil e Ação Educativa. Brasília: vol. 7, novembro de 2011.ROSALEN, Patrícia C. Práticas colaborativas no trabalho com alunos Público-alvo da Educação Especial (PAEE): o cotidiano de uma escola polo. 2019, 242p. Dissertação (Mestrado em Educação). Universidade Estadual Paulista. Instituto de Biociências. Rio Claro/SP: Unesp, 2019.SÁNCHEZ, Pilar Arnaiz. A educação inclusiva na Espanha. In: FÁVERO, Osmar; FERREIRA, Windys; IRELAND, Timothy; BARREIROS, Débora (orgs.). Tornar a educação inclusiva. Brasília: UNESCO, 2009.SASSAKI, Romeu Kasumi. Inclusão: o paradigma do século 21. Inclusão – Revista da Educação Especial. Brasília, vol. 1, nº 1, out. 2005, pp. 19-23.SIGOLO, Sílvia Regina R. L. Envolvimento Familiar e Educação Inclusiva: uma mútua contribuição. In: MENDES, Enicéia Gonçalves; ALMEIDA, Maria Amélia (orgs.). A pesquisa sobre inclusão escolar em suas múltiplas dimensões: teoria, política e formação. Marília: ABPEE, 2012.VELTRONE, Aline Aparecida; MENDES, Enicéia Gonçalves. Percepções dos alunos com deficiência intelectual sobre sua matrícula na classe especial e classe comum. Revista Eletrônica de Educação, vol. 5, nº. 2. São Carlos/SP: UFSCar, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Educação, novembro de 2011, pp. 59-81.ZERBATO, Ana Paula; MENDES, Enicéia Gonçalves. Desenho universal para a aprendizagem como estratégia de inclusão escolar. Educação Unisinos, vol. 22, nº 2, abril-junho 2018, pp.147-155.e3579065

Abstract:

e4152113This paper presents an integrative literature review in which we tried to point out the trends of studies conducted on beginning teachers and to identify whether and how those studies have made recommendations, based on the results of the research, to promote the professional insertion of teachers at the beginning of their career. The mapping period ranged from 2000 to 2019 and the corpus of analysis was the papers presented during the Anped annual meetings, the dissertations and theses available in the Capes Theses and Dissertations catalog, in addition to the articles available on the SciELO and Educ@ websites. It is worthy to highlight in the findings of the review that, after 2014, there was an important increase in publications on the topic. In more recent years, interest emerged on studies with graduates of public programs of initiation to teaching in initial training, with emphasis on Pibid and on continuing education actions proposed by state and municipal departments. There has also been an increase in studies focusing on training actions to support and monitor teachers who enter the profession, highlighting contributions made by the use of training devices and collaborative groups. On the other hand, some gaps persist, and it is concluded that there is still much to be improved in research so that there will be effective contribution in the constitution of the field, since there are few studies that problematize their results and make deep analyses and interpretations, so that one can generate more comprehensive, and consistent knowledge that enables to indicate paths, actions, and practices that favor the teachers’ professional insertion.ResumoEste texto apresenta uma revisão integrativa da literatura em que se buscou analisar as tendências dos estudos sobre o professor iniciante e identificar se e como as produções têm indicado, a partir dos resultados das pesquisas, recomendações para promover a inserção profissional dos docentes no início da carreira. Optou-se por realizar o levantamento no período de 2000 a 2019 e tomou-se, como corpus de análise, os trabalhos apresentados nas reuniões anuais da Anped, as dissertações e teses disponíveis no catálogo de Teses e Dissertações da Capes e, ainda, os artigos disponíveis no website do SciELO e do Educ@. Destacam-se nos achados da revisão que, depois de 2014, houve um aumento importante de publicações sobre o tema. Nesse período mais recente emergiu o interesse pelo estudo com egressos de programas públicos de iniciação à docência na formação inicial com destaque ao Pibid e de ações de formação continuada propostas em secretarias estaduais e municipais. Aumentaram, também, os trabalhos com foco nas ações formativas de apoio e acompanhamento ao professor que ingressa na profissão, destacando-se as contribuições do uso de dispositivos de formação e dos grupos colaborativos. Por outro lado, persistem algumas lacunas e conclui-se que ainda há muito que aperfeiçoar nas pesquisas para que haja uma contribuição efetiva na constituição do campo, pois são poucos os estudos que problematizam seus resultados, aprofundam as análises e interpretações, de modo que se possa gerar um conhecimento mais abrangente e consistente permitindo indicar caminhos, ações e práticas que favoreçam a inserção profissional dos docentes.Palavras-chave: Professor iniciante, Inserção profissional, Desenvolvimento profissional, Formação de professores.Keywords: Beginning teacher, Professional insertion, Professional development, Teacher training.ReferencesALMEIDA, Patrícia Cristina Albieri; DAVIS, Claudia Leme Ferreira; CALIL, Ana Maria Gimenes Corrêa; VILALVA, Adriana Mallmann. Categorias teóricas de Shulman: revisão integrativa no campo da formação docente. Cadernos de Pesquisa, São Paulo, v.49, n.174, p. 130-150, out./dez., 2019.BOTELHO, Louise Lira Roedel; CUNHA, Cristiano Castro de Almeida; MACEDO, Marcelo. O método da revisão integrativa nos estudos organizacionais. Gestão e Sociedade, Belo Horizonte, v. 5, n. 11, p. 121-136, maio/ago. 2011.BRASIL. Lei nº 9.394, de 20 de dezembro de 1996. Estabelece as Diretrizes e Bases da Educação Nacional. Diário Oficial da União. Brasília: Casa Civil da Presidência da República, 1996.CARDOSO, Viviani Dias et al. Professores iniciantes: análise da produção científica referente a programas de mentoria (2005-2014). Revista Brasileira de Estudos Pedagógicos, Brasília, vol.98, n.248, p.181-197, 2017.CORRÊA, Priscila Monteiro; PORTELLA, Vanessa Cristina Maximo. As pesquisas sobre professores iniciantes no Brasil: uma revisão. Olhar de professor, Ponta Grossa, n. 15(2), p. 223-236, 2012.CUNHA, Maria Isabel da; BRACCINI, Marja Leão; FELDKERCHER, Nadiane. Inserção profissional, políticas e práticas sobre a iniciação à docência: avaliando a produção dos congressos internacionais sobre o professorado principiante. Avaliação, Campinas, vol.20, n.1, p.73-86, 2015.CUNHA, Maria Isabel da. O campo da iniciação à docência universitária como um desafio. In: 33a. Reunião Anual da ANPEd, Caxambu, Minas Gerais, 2010.DEMO, Pedro. Metodologia do conhecimento científico. São Paulo: Atlas, 2000.FIORENTINI, Dario; CRECCI, Vanessa. Desenvolvimento Profissional DOCENTE: Um Termo Guarda-Chuva ou um novo sentido à formação? Formação Docente, Belo Horizonte, v. 05, n. 08, p. 11-23, jan-jun. 2013.HUBERMAN, Michaël. O ciclo de vida profissional dos professores. In: NÓVOA, Antonio. (Org.). Vidas de Professores. 2. ed. Porto, Portugal: Porto Editora, nº. 4. Coleção Ciências da Educação, 1995. p. 31-61.MARCELO GARCÍA, Carlos. Formação de professores: para uma mudança educativa. Tradução de Isabel Narciso. Porto: Portugal, 1999.MARCELO, Carlos. 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Ensinando a Ensinar: as quatro etapas de uma aprendizagem. 1º ed. Curitiba: Editora UTFPR, 2012.VEENMAN, Simon. El proceso de llegar a ser profesor: un análisis de la formacción inicial. In: VILLA, Aurelio. (Coord.). Prespectivas y problemas de la función docente. Madrid: Narcea, 1988. p. 39-68.

Abstract:

This article is about a work developed between 2013 and 2015 within the Sociological Observatory of Student Life at the Federal University of Viçosa –UFV – (Brazil), a research group that produces and disseminates knowledge about students from working classes’ university life. This work aimed at creating possibilities for poor students do an intellectual affiliation to the public university. First, eighteen pedagogy female students developed a self-analysis of their own school trajectories and academic experiences, describing them reflexively based on Bourdieu ideas. Then, projects and researches were done about the themes that emerged from the self-analysis stage. The method used to generate the data was the biographical stories, and, most of those who were investigated were UFV’s students, consequently, it was possible to do a connection between the knowledge from the students as researchers and as research subjects. Among the results of this work was the fact that the self-analysis enabled the students to interpret principles, which engendered their practices and the incorporation and/or updating of favorable dispositions, which constituted the academic quality of their trajectories. It also showed that the trajectories may promote the intellectual affiliation to the public university and that it can face up the effects that social origin may have on the academic trajectories. The association of self-analysis, as an interpretive work of dispositions and practices, with the research development, and the connection of knowledge among students, with affinities of habitus, made possible the constitution sociability networks and permanence at UFV.ResumoO artigo trata de um trabalho realizado nos anos de 2013 a 2015, no âmbito do Observatório Sociológico da Vida Estudantil da Universidade Federal de Viçosa – UFV – (Brasil), instância formativa, de produção e de divulgação do conhecimento sobre a vida estudantil de universitários das camadas populares. O objetivo do trabalho foi criar possibilidades para a afiliação intelectual de estudantes pobres à universidade pública. Na primeira etapa, dezoito universitárias, do curso de Pedagogia, realizaram autoanálises das trajetórias escolares e vivências acadêmicas, tendo como referência o pensamento bourdieusiano, e fzeram a descrição reflexiva delas. Na segunda etapa, foram elaborados projetos e desenvolvidas pesquisas sobre temas que emergiram dessas autoanálises. O método de geração de dados foi o relato biográfico, e os investigados, em sua maior parte, eram estudantes da UFV, o que, juntamente com as autoanálises realizadas, viabilizou a conexão de saberes entre as estudantes na condição de pesquisadoras e os sujeitos investigados. Dentre os resultados desse trabalho há o fato de que as autoanálises permitiram às estudantes a interpretação dos princípios que engendram suas práticas e a incorporação e/ou atualização de disposições favoráveis à constituição de percursos acadêmicos de qualidade e se mostraram uma forma de promover a afiliação intelectual à universidade pública e de enfrentamento dos efeitos que a origem social possa ter nos percursos acadêmicos. A associação da autoanálise, como um trabalho interpretativo das disposições e práticas, com a realização de pesquisas, e a conexão de saberes entre estudantes com afinidades de habitus, engendrou a constituição de redes de sociabilidade e a permanência na UFV.Keywords: Access to higher education, Sociology of Education, Socio-educational inequalities.Palavras-chave: Acesso à educação superior, Sociologia da Educação, Desigualdades socioeducacionais.ReferencesARIOVALDO, Thainara Cristina de Castro. O Sistema de Seleção Unificada e a escolha pelas Licenciaturas na Universidade Federal de Viçosa. 2018, 117 p. Dissertação (Mestrado em Educação) – Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais, Belo Horizonte, 2018.BOURDIEU, Pierre. Reprodução cultural e reprodução social. In: BOURDIEU, Pierre. A economia das trocas simbólicas. 3. ed. São Paulo: Perspectiva, 1992. p. 295-336.BOURDIEU, Pierre. Esboço de uma teoria da prática. In: ORTIZ, Renato. Pierre Bourdieu. 2. ed. São Paulo: Ática, 1994. p. 46-81.BOURDIEU, Pierre. É possível um ato desinteressado? In: BOURDIEU, Pierre. Razões práticas: sobre a teoria da ação. Campinas: Papirus, 1996. p. 137-162.BOURDIEU, Pierre. Os excluídos do interior. In: BOURDIEU, Pierre. (Coord.) A miséria do mundo. Petrópolis/RJ : Vozes, 1997, p. 481-487.BOURDIEU, Pierre. Violência simbólica e lutas políticas. In: BOURDIEU, Pierre. Meditações pascalianas. Rio de Janeiro: Bertrand Brasil, 2001, p. 199-233.BOURDIEU, Pierre. Esboço de auto-análise. São Paulo: Cia. das Letras, 2005.CARVALHO, Josiane das Graças. A formação por alternância na Licenciatura em Educação do Campo da UFV: experiências e representações sociais dos educandos. 2017. 133 p. Dissertação (Mestrado em Educação) – Universidade Federal de Viçosa, Viçosa, 2017.COULON, Alain. Reprodução e filiação. In: COULON, Alain. Etnometodologia e educação. Petrópolis, Vozes, 1995, p. 147-166.COULON, Alain. A condição de estudante. A entrada na vida universitária. Salvador/BA: EDUFBA, 2008.LACERDA, Wânia Maria Guimarães. Famílias e filhos na construção de trajetórias escolares pouco prováveis: o caso dos iteanos. 2006. 416 p. Tese (Doutorado em Educação) – Universidade Federal Fluminense (UFF), Rio de Janeiro, 2006.LACERDA, Wânia Maria Guimarães. Famílias e filhos na construção de percursos escolares pouco prováveis. In: SANTOS, Georgina Gonçalves dos; SAMPAIO, Sônia Maria Rocha (Orgs.). Observatório da vida estudantil. Estudos sobre a vida e cultura universitárias. Salvador/BA: EDUFBA, 2012, p. 87-130.LACERDA, Wânia Maria Guimarães. Professores em formação e hierarquias simbólicas: o caso de estudantes de Pedagogia da UFV. In: BRAÚNA, Rita de Cássia de Alcântara; BARCELOS, Ana Maria Ferreira (Orgs.). Demandas contemporâneas na formação de Professores. Viçosa/MG: Editora UFV, 2013, p.12-43.LACERDA, Wânia Maria Guimarães. De escolas públicas estaduais ao Instituto Tecnológico de Aeronáutica (ITA). In: PIOTTO, Débora Cristina (Org.). Camadas Populares e universidades públicas. Trajetórias e experiência escolares. São Carlos: Pedro & João Editores, 2014, p. 45-88.LAHIRE, Bernard. O ponto de vista do conhecimento. In: LAHIRE, Bernard. Sucesso escolar nos meios populares: as razões do improvável. São Paulo: Ática, 1997. p. 17-46.LUCAS, S. R. Effectively Maintained Inequality: education transitions, track mobility, and social background effects. The American Journal of Sociology, v. 106, n. 6, p. 1642-1690, maio 2001.MONT’ALVÃO, A. A dimensão vertical e horizontal da estratificação educacional. Teoria e Cultura. Programa de Pós-Graduação em Ciências Sociais – UFJF, v. 11, n. 1 jan/jun. p. 13-20, 2016.PAIVANDI, Saeed. A qualidade da aprendizagem dos estudantes e a pedagogia na universidade. In: SANTOS, Georgina Gonçalves dos; SAMPAIO, Sônia Maria Rocha (Orgs.). Observatório da vida estudantil. Estudos sobre a vida e cultura universitárias. Salvador/BA: EDUFBA, 2012, p. 31-59.PAIVANDI, Saeed. A avaliação do ensino pelo estudante, a pedagogia universitária e o ofício de professor. In: SANTOS, Georgina Gonçalves dos; SAMPAIO, Sônia Maria Rocha (Orgs.). Observatório da vida estudantil. Universidade, responsabilidade social e juventude. Salvador/BA: EDUFBA, 2013, p. 319-352.PAIVANDI, Saeed. Que significa o desempenho acadêmico dos estudantes? In: SANTOS, Georgina Gonçalves dos; SAMPAIO, Sônia Maria Rocha; CARVALHO, Ava. (Orgs.). Observatório da vida estudantil. Avaliação e qualidade no ensino superior: formar como e para que mundo? Salvador/BA: EDUFBA, 2015, p. 23-60.PASSERON, Jean-Claude. A encenação e o corpus: biografias, fluxos, itinerários, trajetórias. In: ______. O raciocínio sociológico: o espaço não-popperiano do raciocínio natural. Petrópolis: Vozes, 1995. p. 204-227.PEREIRA, Aline Juliana de Souza. Três famílias de camadas populares e a escolarização dos filhos: entre estabelecimentos de ensino públicos e privados. 2016. 119 p. Dissertação (Mestrado em Educação) – Universidade Federal de Viçosa, Viçosa, 2016.PORTES, Écio Antônio. Trajetórias e estratégias escolares do universitário das camadas populares. 1993. Dissertação (Mestrado em Educação) – Faculdade de Educação, Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais, Belo Horizonte, 1993.PORTES, Écio Antônio. Trajetórias escolares e vida acadêmica do estudante pobre na UFMG – um estudo a partir de cinco casos. 2001. Tese (Doutorado em Educação) – Faculdade de Educação, Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais, Belo Horizonte, 2001.PORTES, Écio Antônio. A vida universitária de estudantes pobres na UFMG: possibilidades e limites. In: PIOTTO, Débora Cristina (Org.). Camadas Populares e universidades públicas. Trajetórias e experiência escolares. São Carlos: Pedro & João Editores, 2014, p. 167-238.RIBEIRO, Carlos Antônio Costa; SCHLEGEL, Rogério Estratificação horizontal da educação superior no Brasil (1960 a 2010). In: ARRETCHE, Marta (Org.). Trajetórias das desigualdades: como o Brasil mudou nos últimos cinquenta anos. São Paulo: Editora UNESP, 2015, p. 133-162.SANTOS, Georgina Gonçalves dos; SAMPAIO, Sônia Maria Rocha (Orgs.). Observatório da vida estudantil. Estudos sobre a vida e cultura universitárias. Salvador/BA: EDUFBA, 2012.SANTOS, Georgina Gonçalves dos; SAMPAIO, Sônia Maria Rocha (Orgs.). Observatório da vida estudantil. Universidade, responsabilidade social e juventude. Salvador/BA: EDUFBA, 2013.SANTOS, Georgina Gonçalves dos; SAMPAIO, Sônia Maria Rocha; CARVALHO, Ava. (Orgs.). Observatório da vida estudantil. Avaliação e qualidade no ensino superior: formar como e para que mundo? Salvador/BA: EDUFBA, 2015.SILVA, Sabrina Lopes Nogueira. A formação de professores e o Programa de Licenciaturas Internacionais (PLI): experiências de licenciandos em Letras da UFV. 2017. 239 p. Dissertação (Mestrado em Educação) – Universidade Federal de Viçosa, Viçosa, 2017.SOARES, José Francisco. Qualidade da Educação. In: DAYRELL, Juarez et al. (Orgs.). Família, escola e juventude. Olhares cruzados Brasil-Portugal. Belo Horizonte: Editora da UFMG, 2016, p.231-251.TEIXEIRA, Ana Maria Freitas. A universidade entre as palavras de jovens de origem popular. In: SANTOS, Georgina Gonçalves dos; SAMPAIO, Sônia Maria Rocha (Orgs.). Observatório da vida estudantil. Estudos sobre a vida e cultura universitárias. Salvador/BA: EDUFBA, 2012, p. 163-185.TEIXEIRA, Ana Maria Freitas. Aprendendo a ser estudante universitário: uma relação entre o campo disciplinar e a construção de si. In: SANTOS, Georgina Gonçalves dos; SAMPAIO, Sônia Maria Rocha (Orgs.). Observatório da vida estudantil. Universidade, responsabilidade social e juventude. Salvador/BA: EDUFBA, 2013, p. 99-119.TEIXEIRA, Ana Maria Freitas; COULON, Alain. Interiorização do ensino superior público e afiliação: e se eu conseguir uma vaga, como é que vai ser? In: SANTOS, Georgina Gonçalves dos; SAMPAIO, Sônia Maria Rocha; CARVALHO, Ava. (Orgs.). 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Abstract:

This article discusses the ways of building the right to education of young child in Brazil, with reference to the State 's participation in this process. Based on a bibliographical analysis, it verified the predominance of three central periods in this history, being: that of an absent State, which bequeathed the child's education to family, private, community, religious and charitable initiatives; the one of a conservative State, that acted in the area notably from normative actions and of inspection of private institutions, for tutelage and control of the childhood, under a care bias, hygienist and of favor favor to the society; and that of a state in dispute, which approved the main legislation and documents aimed at recognizing the right of the young child to education and the strengthening of early childhood education, despite the maintenance of policies: for the informal service of the poorest and low cost public; focusing on primary education, to the detriment of early childhood education; of devaluation of day care centers in early childhood education; etc. It concludes, therefore, that the legal framework inherited from the Federal Constitution of 1988, the Child and the Adolescent Statute of 1990 and the Directives and Bases of Education Law of 1996 is still the main achievement and tool that has in the area to strengthen the fight against setbacks in the history of building the right of the young child to education in Brazil.ResumoEste artigo discorre sobre os caminhos da construção do direito à educação da criança pequena no Brasil, tendo como referência a atuação do Estado nesse processo. Com base em análise bibliográfica, verificou a predominância de três períodos centrais nessa história, sendo: o de um Estado ausente, que legou a educação da criança a iniciativas familiares, particulares, comunitárias, religiosas e caritativas; o de um Estado conservador, que atuou na área notadamente a partir de ações normativas e de fiscalização de instituições privadas, para tutela e controle da infância, sob um viés assistencial, higienista e de prestação de favor à sociedade; e o de um Estado em disputa, que aprovou as principais legislações e documentos voltados ao reconhecimento do direito da criança pequena à educação e ao fortalecimento da educação infantil, não obstante a manutenção de políticas: para o atendimento informal dos mais pobres e a baixo custo público; de focalização do ensino fundamental, em detrimento da educação infantil; de desvalorização das creches dentro da educação infantil; etc. Conclui, assim, que o quadro legal herdado a partir da Constituição Federal de 1988, do Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente de 1990 e da Lei de Diretrizes e Bases da Educação de 1996 ainda é a principal conquista e ferramenta que se tem na área para fortalecer a luta contra retrocessos na história de construção do direito da criança pequena à educação no Brasil.Palavras-chave: Direito à educação, Educação infantil, Papel do estado.Keywords: Right to education, Child education, Role of the state.ReferencesANDRADE, L.B.P. Educação infantil: discurso, legislação e práticas institucionais [online]. São Paulo: Editora UNESP; São Paulo: Cultura Acadêmica, 2010. 193 p. Disponível em: <http://books.scielo.org>. Acesso em: 03 mar. 2019.ARANTES, A. C. Os parques infantis de Mario de Andrade. In: Colóquio Internacional de História Cultural da Cidade, 1, Porto Alegre, RS. Anais... Porto Alegre, 2015, p. 28-43. Disponível em: <http://www.ufrgs.br/gthistoriaculturalrs/03LIANACristinaARANTES.pdf >. Acesso em: 03 abr. 2018. ARCE, A. Documentação oficial e o mito da educadora nata na educação infantil. Cadernos de Pesquisa, Jul. 2001, n.113, p.167-184. Disponível em: <http://www.scielo.br/pdf/cp/n113/a09n113.pdf>. Acesso em: 21 nov.2018.BRASIL. Constituição da República Federativa do Brasil, de 05 de outubro de 1988. Disponível em: <http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/constituicao/constituicaocompilado.htm>. Acesso em: 20 abr. 2017.BRASIL. Lei nº 8.069, de 13 de julho de 1990. Dispõe sobre o Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente e dá outras providências. Disponível em: <http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/leis/L8069.htm>. Acesso em: 20 abr. 2017.BRASIL. Lei no 9.394, de 20 de dezembro de 1996a. Estabelece as diretrizes e bases da educação nacional. Disponível em: <http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/leis/L9394.htm>. Acesso em: 20 abr. 2017.BRASIL. Emenda constitucional nº 14, de 12 de setembro de 1996b. Modifica os arts. 34, 208, 211 e 212 da Constituição Federal e dá nova redação ao art. 60 do Ato das Disposições constitucionais Transitórias. Disponível em: <http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/constituicao/emendas/emc/emc14.htm>. Acesso em: 12 dez. 2017.BRASIL. Lei no 9.424, de 24 de dezembro de 1996c. Dispõe sobre o Fundo de Manutenção e Desenvolvimento do Ensino Fundamental e de Valorização do Magistério, na forma prevista no art. 60, § 7º, do Ato das Disposições Constitucionais Transitórias, e dá outras providências. Disponível em: <http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/leis/L9424.htm>. Acesso em: 12 dez. 2017.BRASIL. Decreto no 2.264, de 27 de junho de 1997. Regulamenta a Lei nº 9.424, de 24 de dezembro de 1996, no âmbito federal, e determina outras providências. Disponível em: <http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/decreto/d2264.htm>. Acesso em: 12 dez. 2017.BRASIL. Ministério da Educação. Política Nacional de Educação Infantil: pelo direito das crianças de zero a seis anos à Educação. Brasília: MEC, SEB, 2006.BRASIL. Lei nº 11.700, de 13 de junho de 2008. Acrescenta inciso X ao caput do art. 4º da Lei nº 9.394, de 20 de dezembro de 1996, para assegurar vaga na escola pública de educação infantil ou de ensino fundamental mais próxima de sua residência a toda criança a partir dos 4 (quatro) anos de idade. Disponível em: <http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/_Ato2007-2010/2008/Lei/L11700.htm >. Acesso em: 06 dez. 2018.BRASIL. Ministério da Educação. Secretária de Educação Básica. Diretrizes Curriculares Nacionais para a Educação Infantil. Brasília: MEC, SEB, 2010.BRASIL. Lei no 12.796, de 04 de abril de 2013. Altera a Lei no 9.394, de 20 de dezembro de 1996, que estabelece as diretrizes e bases da educação nacional, para dispor sobre a formação dos profissionais da educação e dar outras providências. Disponível em: <http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/_Ato2011-2014/2013/Lei/L12796.htm#art1>. Acesso em: 28 dez. 2018.BRITO, C. F. Políticas Públicas para Educação Infantil: uma relação entre entes. In: Congresso Ibero-Americano de Política e Administração da Educação / Congresso Luso Brasileiro de Política e Administração da Educação, 4, Porto, Portugal. Anais... Porto, Portugal, 2014, p.1-15. Disponível em: <http://www.anpae.org.br/IBERO_AMERICANO_IV/GT5/GT5_Comunicacao/CintiaFalcaoBrito_GT5_integral.pdf>. Acesso em: 08 nov. 2018.CARRIJO, M. C. F. de O. B. Educação Infantil e políticas públicas na contemporaneidade: avanços e limitações no discurso legal e na dinâmica educacional. 2005. 224f. Dissertação (Mestrado em Educação) - Faculdade de Educação, Universidade Federal de Uberlândia, Uberlândia-MG, 2005.CONCEIÇÃO, C.M.C. Histórias de um passado não tão distante: políticas e práticas de educação infantil no interior do Brasil. In: Congresso Brasileiro de História da Educação, 7, Cuiabá, MT. Anais ..., Cuibá, 2013, p. 1-13. Disponível em: <http://sbhe.org.br/novo/congressos/cbhe7/pdf/04-%20HISTORIA%20DA%20EDUCACAO%20DAS%20CRIANCAS-%20JOVENS%20E%20ADULTOS%20NO%20BRASIL/HISTORIAS%20DE%20UM%20PASSADO%20NAO%20TAO%20DISTANTE.pdf>. Acesso em: 10 out. 2018.DIDONET, V. Balanço crítico da educação pré-escolar nos anos 80 e perspectivas para a década de 90. Em Aberto, Brasília, ano 10, n.50/51, abr./set. 1992. Disponível em: <http://emaberto.inep.gov.br/index.php/emaberto/article/view/1809>. Acesso em: 11 set. 2018.fa*gUNDES, M. R. A creche no trabalho... O trabalho na creche: um estudo sobre o Centro de Convivência Infantil da Unicamp: trajetória e perspectivas. 1997. 203f. Dissertação (Mestrado em Educação) – Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Campinas – SP, 1997.FARIA, A. L. G. de. A contribuição dos parques infantis de Mário de Andrade para a construção de uma pedagogia da educação infantil. Educação & Sociedade, ano XX, n. 69, p. 60-91, dez., 1999. Disponível em: <http://www.scielo.br/pdf/es/v20n69/a04v2069.pdf>. Acesso em: 11 nov. 2018.FERREIRA, E. B. A polícia dos costumes: medicina, higienismo e controle da sexualidade infantil no quarto final do século XIX. In: FERREIRA, E. B.;LOPES, M. M (org.). Pesquisas em educação: escola, infância e sexualidade. São Carlos: Pedro e João Editores, 2016.FERREIRA, L. A. M.; GARMS, G. M. Z. Educação infantil e a família: perspectiva jurídica desta relação na garantia do direito à educação. RBPAE, v.25, n.3, p. 545-561, set./dez. 2009. Disponível em: <https://seer.ufrgs.br/rbpae/article/view/19664>. Acesso em: 11 set. 2017.FILGUEIRAS, C. A. C. A creche comunitária na nebulosa da pobreza. Cadernos de Pesquisa, São Paulo, n.88, p.18-29, 1994. Disponível em: <http://publicacoes.fcc.org.br/ojs/index.php/cp/article/view/912> . Acesso em: 25 out. 2018.FRANCO, M. A. C. Lidando pobremente com a pobreza: análise de uma tendência no atendimento a crianças “carentes” de 0 a 6 anos de idade. Cadernos de Pesquisa, São Paulo, 51, 13-32, nov. 1984. Disponível em: <http://publicacoes.fcc.org.br/ojs/index.php/cp/article/view/1457>. Acesso em: 11 set. 2018.KRAMER, S. A política do pré-escolar no Brasil: a arte do disfarce. Rio de Janeiro: Achiamé, 1982.KUHLMANN JR., M. Histórias da educação infantil brasileira. Revista Brasileira de Educação, nº 14, maio/ago, 2000. Disponível em: <http://www.scielo.br/pdf/rbedu/n14/n14a02.pdf >. Acesso em: 12 out. 2018.MARCELINO, E. C. A. O jardim de infância anexo à escola normal de São Paulo: análise do modelo didádico-pedagógico. Revista de Iniciação Científica da FFC, v.4, n.1, p. 103-116, 2004. Disponível em: <http://www2.marilia.unesp.br/revistas/index.php/ric/article/view/74/76>. Acesso em: 12 set. 2018.MARQUEZ, C. G. O Banco Mundial e a educação infantil no Brasil. 2006. 215f. Dissertação (Mestrado em Educação) – Faculdade de Educação, Universidade Federal de Goiás, Goiânia, 2006. MORAES, L. G. G. de. Creche e EMEI: encontro ou confronto. 2004. Dissertação (mestrado) – Faculdade de Educação Física, Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Campinas, 2005. POSAR, M. M. R. Análise das Diretrizes do Banco Mundial da área educacional tendo como exemplo o Desenvolvimento e Educação da Primeira Infância na Década de 1990. Cadernos da Pedagogia. São Carlos, Ano 5 v. 5 n. 10, p. 30-45, jan-jun, 2012. Disponível em: <http://www.cadernosdapedagogia.ufscar.br/index.php/cp/article/view/371/171>. Acesso em: 01 fev. 2018.PRADO, A. E. F. G. História da política de educação pré-escolar no Brasil de 1964 a 1993: entre o texto e o discurso. 2017. 325f. Tese (Doutorado em Educação) - Centro de Educação e Ciências Humanas, Universidade Federal de São Carlos, São Carlos-SP, 2017.PRETO, M. C. F. Estudo sobre a caracterização do atendimento escolar da educação infantil no campo, em uma região do Estado de São Paulo. Dissertação (Mestrado em Educação) - Centro de Educação e Ciências Humanas, Universidade Federal de São Carlos, São Carlos -SP, 2016.RAMOS, G.P. Entre a proposta e o pretexto da qualidade do ensino: uma leitura sobre os liames da valorização docente a partir do FUNDEF. 2008. 310f. Tese (Doutorado em Educação) - Centro de Educação e Ciências Humanas, Universidade Federal de São Carlos, São Carlos-SP, 2008.ROSEMBERG, F. Expansão da educação infantil e processos de exclusão. Cadernos de Pesquisa, n. 107, p. 7-40, julho, 1999. Disponível em: <http://www.scielo.br/pdf/cp/n107/n107a01.pdf>. Acesso em: 12 out. 2018.ROSEMBERG, F. Organizações multilaterais, estado e políticas de educação infantil. Cadernos de Pesquisa, São Paulo, n. 115, p. 25-64, 2002. Disponível em: <http://www.scielo.br/scielo.php?pid=s0100-15742002000100002&script=sci_abstract&tlng=pt>. Acesso em: 12 out. 2018.SÃO PAULO. Frente de Trabalho. [20-?]. Disponível em: <http://www.emprego.sp.gov.br/emprego/frente-de-trabalho/>. Acesso em: 07 dez. 2018.SAVIANI, D. História das ideias pedagógicas no Brasil. 3ª Ed. Campinas: Autores Associados, 2010.SILVA, C. V. M. da; FRANCISCHINI, R. O surgimento da educação infantil na história das políticas públicas para a criança no Brasil. Práxis Educacional, Vitória da Conquista, v. 8, n. 12, p. 257-276, jan./jun. 2012. Disponível em: <http://periodicos.uesb.br/index.php/praxis/article/view/746>. Acesso em: 01 out. 2018.SOUZA, S. J. e. Tendências e fatos na política da educação pré-escolar no Brasil. Cadernos de Pesquisa, São Paulo, 51, p. 47-53, nov. 1984. Disponível em: <http://publicacoes.fcc.org.br/ojs/index.php/cp/article/view/1459>. Acesso em: 01 out. 2018.VIEIRA, L. M. F. Mal necessário: creches no Departamento Nacional da Criança (1940-1970). Cadernos de Pesquisa, 67, 3-16, nov. 1988. Disponível em: <http://publicacoes.fcc.org.br/ojs/index.php/cp/article/view/1215>. Acesso em: 01 out. 2018.e3443082

Abstract:

This article aims to discuss the production of knowledge in the academic-scientific field within the scope of the new university that exists in the XXI century in which the production of raw material knowledge is privileged, focused on the interests of the market. It is a bibliographical research, based on Pierre Bourdieu’s theoretical concepts, which help in the comprehension of the characteristics of the scientific field, marked by the dialectical pair knowledge and interest (illusio), highlighting the particularities of the production of knowledge centered on productivism and supported by the idea of meritocracy, structuring element of the academic-scientific field. It is understood that all social fields undergo resignifications, transformations or changes according to the historical context in which they are inserted and, in this regard, in the field of the research and the production of scientific knowledge there are, beyond the productivism, the competitive struggle for prestige and power, attitudes, actions and collaborative practices between the researchers. In conclusion, the understanding of the intrinsic and extrinsic characteristics of the scientific field, revealing the relations of power and domination that engender the production of knowledge, can expand the possibilities of constitution of a new emancipatory education project for human beings, contributing to the overcoming of the current productive and meritocratic professional habitus that conforms the illusio of researchers and students in the academic field.ResumoEste artigo visa problematizar a produção do conhecimento no campo acadêmico-científico, no âmbito da nova universidade que se configura no século XXI, em que se privilegia a produção do conhecimento matéria-prima, voltado para os interesses do mercado. Trata-se de pesquisa bibliográfica, fundamentada em conceitos teóricos de Pierre Bour­dieu, que auxiliam na compreensão das características do campo científico, marcado pelo par dialético conhecimento e interesse (illusio), evidenciando as particularidades da produção do conhecimento centrado no produtivismo e respaldado pela ideia de meritocracia, elemento estruturante do campo acadêmico-científico. Entende-se que todos os campos sociais passam por ressignificações, transformações ou mudanças de acordo com o contexto histórico em que estão inseridos e que, nesse sentido, no campo da pesquisa e da produção do conhecimento científico existem, para além do produtivismo e da luta concorrencial por prestígio e poder, atitudes, ações e práticas colaborativas entre os pesquisadores. Conclui-se que a compreensão das características intrínsecas e extrínsecas do campo científico, desvelando as relações de poder e dominação que engendram a produção do conhecimento, possa ampliar as possibilidades de constituição de um novo projeto de educação emancipatória para os seres humanos, contribuindo para a superação do atual habitus pro­fissional produtivista e meritocrático que conforma a illusio de pesquisadores e estudantes no campo acadêmico.ResumenEste artículo tiene por objeto problematizar la producción del conocimiento en el campo académico-científico en el ámbito de la nueva universidad que se configura en el siglo XXI en que se privilegia la producción del conocimiento materia prima, orientado hacia los intereses del mercado. Se trata de una investigación bibliográfica, fundamentada en conceptos teóricos de Pierre Bourdieu, que auxilian en la comprensión de las características del campo científico, marcado por el par dialéctico conocimiento e interés (illusio), evidenciando las particularidades de la producción del conocimiento centrado en el productivismo y respaldado por la idea de meritocracia, elemento estructurante del campo académico-científico. Se entiende que todos los campos sociales pasan por resignificaciones, transformaciones o cambios de acuerdo con el contexto histórico en que están insertos y que, en ese sentido, en el campo de la investigación y de la producción del conocimiento científico existen, además del productivismo, de la lucha competitiva por prestigio y poder, actitudes, acciones y prácticas colaborativas entre los investigadores. Se concluye que la comprensión de las características intrínsecas y extrínsecas del campo científico, desvelando las relaciones de poder y dominación que engendran la producción del conocimiento, puedan ampliar las posibilidades de constitución de un nuevo proyecto de educación emancipatoria para los seres humanos, contribuyendo a la superación del actual habitus profesional productivista y meritocrático que conforma la illusio de investigadores y estudiantes en el campo académico.Palavras-chave: Educação superior, Produção do conhecimento, Relações de poder, Meritocracia.Keywords: Higher education, Production of knowledge, Power relations, Meritocracy.Palabras clave: Educación superior, Producción del conocimiento, Relaciones de poder, Meritocracia.ReferencesAGUIAR, Andréa. Illusio. In: CATANI, A. M. et al. (Orgs.). Vocabulário Bourdieu. Belo Horizonte: Autêntica Editora, 2017. p. 231-233.AMADO, Luiz A. S.; MANCEBO, Deise. A universidade no século XXI: entre o discurso e a prática. Série Estudos, Campo Grande, MS, n. 16, p. 93-106, Jul-Dez. 2003.ANTUNES, Ricardo. Os sentidos do trabalho: ensaio sobre a negação e a afirmação do trabalho. 3 ed. São Paulo: Boitempo, 1999. (Coleção Mundo do Trabalho).AZEVEDO, Mário L. Neves de; OLIVEIRA, João Ferreira de; CATANI, Afrânio Mendes. O Sistema Nacional de Pós-graduação (SNPG) e o Plano Nacional de Educação (PNE 2014-2024): regulação, avaliação e financiamento, RBPAE, v. 32, n. 3, p. 783 - 803 set./dez. 2016.BALDINO, José Maria; DONENCIO, Maria Conceição B. O habitus professoral na constituição das práticas pedagógicas. Polyphonía, v. 25, n. 1, p. 263-281, jan./jun., 2014. Disponível em: <https://www.revistas.ufg.br/sv/article/viewFile/38563/19509>. Acesso em: 20 jan. 2019.BARBOSA, Lívia. Meritocracia à brasileira: o que é desempenho no Brasil? Revista do Serviço Público, Brasília, ano 47, v. 120, n. 3, p. 58-102 set./dez. 1996.BARDIN, Laurence. Análise de conteúdo. Lisboa: Edições 70, 2008.BOURDIEU, Pierre. Questões de sociologia. Trad. Jeni Vaitsman. Rio de Janeiro: Marco Zero, 1983.BOURDIEU, Pierre. O poder simbólico. Trad. Fernando Tomaz. Rio de Janeiro: Bertrand Brasil; Lisboa: Difel, 1989.BOURDIEU, Pierre. A escola conservadora: as desigualdades frente à escola e à cultura. In: NOGUEIRA, Maria Alice; CATANI, Afrânio (Orgs.). Escritos de educação. Trad. Aparecida Joly Gouveia. 2 ed. Petrópolis: Vozes, 1999. p. 39-64.BOURDIEU, Pierre. Os usos sociais da ciência: por uma sociologia clínica do campo científico. Trad. Denice Barbara Catani. São Paulo: Editora UNESP, 2004.BOURDIEU, Pierre. Meditações pascalianas. Trad. Ségio Miceli. 2. ed. Rio de Janeiro: Bertrand Brasil, 2007.BOURDIEU, Pierre. hom*o Academicus. Trad. Ariel Dilon. Buenos Aires, Argentina: Siglo XXI, 2008.BOURDIEU, Pierre. O senso prático. Trad. Maria Ferreira. 3. ed. Petrópolis, RJ: Vozes, 2013.BOURDIEU, Pierre. hom*o Academicus. Trad. Ione Ribeiro Valle e Nilton Valle. 2. ed. 1 reimp. Florianópolis: Ed da UFSC, 2017.BOURDIEU, Pierre; PASSERON, Jean-Claude. A reprodução; elementos para uma teoria do sistema de ensino. Trad. Reynaldo Bairão. Rio de Janeiro: Francisco Alves, 1975.CATANI, Afrânio M. O papel da Universidade Pública hoje: concepção e função. Jornal de Políticas Educacionais, n.4, p. 4-14, jul-dez, 2008.CATANI, Afrânio M. As possibilidades analíticas da noção de campo social. Educação e Sociedade. [online], v.32, n.114, p.189-202, 2011. Disponível em: <http://www.scielo.br/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0101-73302011000100012&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt>. Acesso em: 20 jun. 2018.CATANI, Afrânio M. Origem e destino: pensando a sociologia reflexiva de Bourdieu. Campinas, SP: Mercado de Letras, 2013.GRENFELL, Michael. Pierre Bourdieu: conceitos fundamentais. Tradução de Fábio Ribeiro. Petrópolis, RJ: Vozes, 2018.HARVEY, David. Condição pós-moderna. 23 ed. São Paulo: Loyola, 2012.HEY, Ana Paula. Esboço de uma sociologia do campo acadêmico: a educação superior no Brasil. São Carlos: EdUFSCar, 2008.IVO, Anete B. L. Agências multilaterais de desenvolvimento e comunidades epistêmicas. Cadernos do CEAS, Salvador, n. 235, p. 129-152, 2015.JOURDAIN, Anne; NAULIN, Sidonie. A teoria de Pierre Bourdieu e seus usos sociológicos. Tradução de Francisco Morás. Petrópolis, RJ: Vozes, 2017. [Coleção Sociologia: Pontos de Referência].LAHIRE, Bernard. Campo. In: CATANI, A. M. et al. (Orgs.). Vocabulário Bourdieu. Belo Horizonte: Autêntica Editora, 2017. p. 64-66.MANCEBO, Deise; MAUÉS, Olgaíses; CHAVES, Vera Lúcia Jacob. Crise e reforma do Estado e da Universidade Brasileira: implicação para o trabalho docente. Educar em Revista, Curitiba, n. 28, p. 37-53, 2006.MARTIN, Monique de Saint. Capital simbólico. In: CATANI, A. M. et al. (Orgs.). Vocabulário Bourdieu. Belo Horizonte: Autêntica Editora, 2017. p. 109-112.MAUÉS, Olgaíses. A reconfiguração do trabalho docente na educação superior. Educar em Revista, Curitiba, n. 1, ed. Especial, p. 141-160, 2010.MONTAGNER, Miguel Ângelo; MONTAGNER, Maria Inez. Como se tornar um intelectual da saúde: a illusio necessária e seus tormentos. Saúde Social, São Paulo, v.25, n.4, p.837-846, 2016.NOGUEIRA, Cláudio Marques M.; NOGUEIRA, Maria Alice. A sociologia da educação de Pierre Bourdieu: limites e contribuições. Educação e Sociedade, n. 78, p. 15-36, abril, 2002.OLIVEIRA, João F.; CATANI, Afrânio M. A reconfiguração do campo universitário no Brasil; conceitos, atores, estratégias e ações. In: OLIVEIRA, João F. (Org.). O campo universitário no Brasil: políticas, ações e processos de reconfiguração. Campinas-SP: Mercado de Letras, 2011. p. 11-37.OLIVEIRA, Maísa Aparecida. A atividade discente na universidade: os impactos da produtividade acadêmica na formação dos estudantes. 2014. 152 f. Dissertação (Mestrado em Educação) – Centro de Educação e Ciências Humanas, Universidade Federal de São Carlos, São Carlos, 2014.OLIVEIRA, Maísa Aparecida. Os impactos do produtivismo acadêmico na formação do estudante da pós-graduação e o processo de produção de conhecimento científico. 2016. 247f. Tese (Doutorado em Educação) - Centro de Educação e Ciências Humanas, Universidade Federal de São Carlos, São Carlos, 2016.PAZ, Suelaynne Lima da. Políticas para educação superior e suas implicações no trabalho, profissão e profissionalização em unidades acadêmicas da Universidade Federal de Goiás (UFG). 2016. 244 f. Tese (Programa de Pós-Graduação em Educação) – Faculdade de Educação, Universidade Federal de Goiás, Goiânia, 2016.RAGOUET, Pascal. Campo científico. In: CATANI, A. M. et al. (Orgs.). Vocabulário Bourdieu. Belo Horizonte: Autêntica Editora, 2017. p. 68-70.ROTHEN, José Carlos; SANTANA, Andréia da Cunha Malheiros; BORGES, Regilson Maciel. As armadilhas do discurso sobre a avaliação da educação superior. Educação & Realidade, Porto Alegre, v. 43, n. 4, p. 1429-1450, out./dez. 2018.SAES, Décio Azevedo Marques de. A ideologia docente em A reprodução, de Pierre Bourdieu e Jean-Claude Passeron. Educação e Linguagem, Ano 10, n. 16, p. 106-125, Jul.-Dez. 2007.SGUISSARDI, Valdemar; SILVA JÚNIOR, João R. Trabalho intensificado nas federais: pós-graduação e produtivismo acadêmico. São Paulo: Xamã, 2009.Silva Júnior, João dos Reis. The new brazilian university: a busca por resultados comercializáveis: para quem? 1.ed. Bauru: Canal 6, 2017. 285p.TREIN, Eunice; RODRIGUES, José. O mal-estar na Academia: produtivismo científico, o fetichismo do conhecimento-mercadoria. Revista Brasileira de Educação, v. 16, n. 48, p. 769-819, set.-dez. 2011.TRIVIÑOS, Augusto Nibaldo Silva. Introdução à pesquisa em ciências sociais: a pesquisa qualitativa em educação. São Paulo: Atlas, 1987.Valle, Ione Ribeiro. Uma escola justa contra o sistema de multiplicação das desigualdades sociais. Educar em Revista, Curitiba, Editora UFPR, n. 48, p. 289-307, abr./jun. 2013.WACQUANT, Loïc. Habitus. In: CATANI, A. M. et al. (Orgs.). Vocabulário Bourdieu. Belo Horizonte: Autêntica Editora, 2017. p. 213-216.

Abstract:

This article seeks to deepen the debate on leadership, exploring specifcities of the Brazilian context on this topic, more specifically the principle of democratic management. The reflection focuses on both topics, explaining the path of the debate on democratic management since the mid-eighties of the twentieth century, passing through the Federal Constitution of 1988, the Law of Guidelines and Bases of National Education - Law number 9.394/96) and arriving on the most recent context, where the National Education Plan (PNE), of 2014, incorporates the subject to its goals. Considerations are presented on program contents of two national training programs: the Distance Training Program for School Managers (Progestão) and the National School Program for Managers of Basic Public Education (PNEGEB), also known as School of Managers. The main regulatory frameworks for democratic management are focused on relevant legislation. The study allows us to suggest the hypothesis that the principle of democratic management, associated with a political leadership, would have preponderated in the literature and initiatives of formation of school directors in the country, being the more technical dimension of the subject a little prioritized theme. In this sense, it can be said that the topic of leadership, as it is configured in other contexts, has become a repressed demand in Brazilian educational policy.ResumoEste artigo procura aprofundar o debate sobre liderança, explorando especificidades do contexto brasileiro em relação a esta temática, mais especificamente o princípio da gestão democrática. A reflexão detém-se sobre os dois temas, explicitando a trajetória do debate sobre gestão democrática desde meados dos anos oitenta do século XX, passando pela Constituição Federal de 1988, a Lei de Diretrizes e Bases da Educação Nacional – LDB (Lei nº 9.394/96) e chegando ao contexto mais recente, onde o Plano Nacional de Educação (PNE) de 2014 incorpora o assunto às suas metas. São apresentadas considerações sobre conteúdos programáticos de dois programas nacionais de formação: o Programa de Capacitação a Distância para Gestores Escolares (Progestão) e o Programa Nacional Escola de Gestores da Educação Básica Pública (PNEGEB), também conhecido como Escola de Gestores. Os principais marcos regulatórios da gestão democrática são focalizados na legislação pertinente. O estudo permite sugerir a hipótese de que o princípio da gestão democrática, associado a uma liderança de natureza política, teria preponderado na literatura e iniciativas de formação de diretores escolares no país, sendo a dimensão mais técnica do assunto um tema pouco priorizado. Nesse sentido, pode-se dizer que o tema da liderança, tal como se configura em outros contextos, tem se constituído em demanda reprimida na política educacional brasileira.ResumenEste artículo busca profundizar el debate sobre liderazgo, explorando especificidades del contexto brasileño en relación a esta temática, más específicamente el principio de la gestión democrática. La reflexión se detiene sobre los dos temas, explicitando la trayectoria del debate sobre gestión democrática desde mediados de los años ochenta del siglo XX, pasando por la Constitución Federal de 1988, la Ley de Directrices y Bases de la Educación Nacional - LDB (Ley nº 9.394/96) y llegando al contexto más reciente, donde el Plan Nacional de Educación (PNE), de 2014, incorpora el asunto a sus metas. Se presentan consideraciones sobre contenidos programáticos de dos programas nacionales de formación: el Programa de Capacitación a Distancia para Gestores Escolares (Progestão) y el Programa Nacional Escuela de Gestores de la Educación Básica Pública (PNEGEB), también conocido como Escuela de Gestores. Los principales marcos regulatorios de la gestión democrática se centran en la legislación pertinente. El estudio permite sugerir la hipótesis de que el principio de la gestión democrática, asociado a un liderazgo de naturaleza política, habría preponderado en la literatura e iniciativas de formación de directores escolares en el país, siendo la dimensión más técnica del tema un tema poco priorizado. En ese sentido, se puede decir que el tema del liderazgo, tal como se configura en otros contextos, se ha constituido en demanda reprimida en la política educativa brasileña.Keywords: Leadership and democratic management, Educational legislation, Public policies, Scholar managers training.Palavras-chave: Liderança e gestão democrática, Legislação educacional. Políticas públicas, Formação de gestores escolares.Palabras claves: Liderazgo y gestión democrática, Legislación educativa, Políticas públicas, Formación de gestores escolares.ReferencesALMEIDA, Bruno Luiz Teles de. Construindo uma gestão democrática no Estado da Bahia: contribuições do Curso de Especialização em Gestão Escolar promovido pelo Programa Escola de Gestores. Universidade Federal da Bahia. 2015. Dissertação de Mestrado, 2015. Disponível em: https://repositorio.ufba.br/ri/handle/ri/17694. Acesso em: 27 out. 2018.BENTO, António; OLIVEIRA, Maria Isabel. A liderança escolar a três dimensões: diretores, professores e alunos. Bragança: Ideias em prática, 2013. Disponível em: https://bibliotecadigital. ipb.pt/handle/10198/9560. Acesso em: 18 ago. 2018.BIANCO, Mônica de Fátima; SOUZA, Eloísio Moulin de; SOUZA-REIS, Antônio Marcos. A nova gestão pública: um estudo do Pró-gestão focado em dois projetos prioritários no estado do Espírito Santo. Revista Gestão e Planejamento, Salvador, v. 15, n. 1, p. 118-143, jan./abr. 2014.BOLIVAR, Antonio. El liderazgo pedagógico de la dirección escolar en España: limitaciones y acciones. In: LIMA, Licinio; SÁ, Virginio (orgs.). O Governo das escolas: democracia, controlo e performatividade. Ribeirão: Edições Humus, 2017, p. 151-171. Acesso em: 18 ago. 2018.BOLIVAR, Antonio; YÁÑEZ, Julián López; MURILLO, F. Javier. Liderazgo en las instituciones educativas. Una revisión de líneas de investigación. School leadership. A review of current research perspectives. Red de Investigación sobre Liderazgo y Mejora Educativa (RILME). Revista Fuentes, 14, 2013, pp. 15-60. Disponível em: http://institucional.us.es/revistas/fuente/14/Firma%20invitada.pdf> Acesso em: 18 ago. 2018.BRASIL. Constituição Federal de 1988. Disponível em http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil _03/constituicao/ConstituicaoCompilado.Htm. Acesso 6 dez. 2018.BRASIL. Lei nº 9.394, de 20 de dezembro de 1996. Estabelece as diretrizes e bases da educação nacional. Disponível em http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/Leis/l9394.htm. Acesso 14 jun. 2018.BRASIL. MEC. INEP. Desempenho dos alunos na Prova Brasil: diversos caminhos para o sucesso escolar nas redes municipais de ensino. Brasília: Instituto Nacional de Estudos e Pesquisas Educacionais, 2008.BRASIL. MEC. UNICEF. UNDIME. Aprova Brasil: o direito de aprender – boas práticas em escolas públicas avaliadas pela Prova Brasil. 2. ed. Brasília: MEC.UNICEF, 2007. Disponível em: <https://www.unicef.org/brazil/pt/aprova_final.pdf> Acesso em: 07 ago. 2018.BRASIL. MEC. UNICEF. UNDIME. Redes de aprendiizagem: boas práticas de municipios que garantem o direito de aprender.BRASIL. Presidência da República. Casa Civil. Subchefia para Assuntos Jurídicos. Lei nº 13.005, de 25 de junho de 2014. Aprova o Plano Nacional de Educação – PNE e dá outras providências.BROOKE, Nigel; SOARES, José Francisco (orgs.). Pesquisa em eficácia escolar: origem e trajetórias. Belo Horizonte: Editora UFMG, 2008.BUENO, Edna Maria Gomes da Silva. A dimensão pedagógica do papel do diretor na gestão escolar: análise do Progestão - programa de capacitação a distância para gestores escolares da Secretaria de Educação do Estado de São Paulo. 2007. Dissertação (Mestrado em Educação e Formação). Universidade Católica de Santos, Santos, 2007. Disponível em: http://biblioteca.unisantos.br:8181/handle/tede/112>. Acesso em: 27 out. 2018.EVANGELISTA, Karla Karine Nascimento Fahel. Formação de gestores escolares: um estudo em escolas públicas do Ceará. 2016. Dissertação de Mestrado. Programa de Pós-Graduação em Educação. Universidade Estadual do Ceará. Fortaleza, 2016.FAORO, Raymundo. Os donos do poder: formação do patronato político brasileiro. Rio de Janeiro: Globo, 3ª ed, revista, 2001.FERNANDES, Cássia do Carmo Pires; TEIXEIRA, Beatriz de Basto. Avaliação do Programa Escola de Gestores: os desafios da pesquisa com egressos. Revista Temas em Educação, João Pessoa, v. 24, n.1, p.78-90, jan-jun. 2015.FERNANDES, Cássia do Carmo Pires. O programa escola de gestores da educação básica e seus efeitos para a formação de gestores escolares em Minas Gerais. 2014. Dissertação de Mestrado. Universidade Federal de Juiz de Fora. 2014. Disponível em: https://repositorio.ufjf.br/jspui/handle/ufjf/184> Acesso em: 27 out. 2018.FERREIRA, Maria Salonilde. A IV Conferência Brasileira de Educação: algumas considerações. Revista Educação em Questão. V. 1. N. 1. Jan./Jun. 1987. Disponível em: https://periodicos.ufrn.br/educacaoemquestao/article/view/12026> Acesso em: 26 out. 2018.HONORATO, Hercules Guimarães. O gestor escolar e suas competências: a liderança em discussão. Disponível em http://www.anpae.org.br/iberoamericano2012/Trabalhos/ HerculesGuimaraesHonorato_res_int_GT8.pdf. Acesso em: 26 out. 2018.INEP. Relatório do 2º Ciclo de Monitoramento das Metas do Plano Nacional de Educação. Brasília, 2018. Disponível em http://portal.inep.gov.br/informacao-da-publicacao/-/asset_publisher/6JYIsGMAMkW1/document/id/1476034. Acesso em 31 out. 2018.LEITHWOOD, K.; DAY, C.; SAMMONS, P; HARRIS, Alma; HOPKINS, D. Successful school leardership. What it is and how it influences pupil learning. National College for School Leadership. Research Report n° 800. University of Nottingham. 2006. Disponível em http://www.nysed.gov/common/nysed/files/principal-project-file-55-successful-school-leadership-what-it-is-and-how-it-influences-pupil-learning.pdf. Acesso em 31 out. 2018.LIMA, Licinio; SÁ, Virginio (orgs.). O Governo das escolas: democracia, controlo e performatividade. Ribeirão: Edições Humus, 2017. LÜCK, Heloísa. Dimensões da gestão escolar e suas competências. Curitiba: Editora Positivo, 2009.LÜCK, Heloísa. Liderança em gestão escolar. Petrópolis: Vozes, 2008.LÜCK, Heloísa. Mapeamento de práticas de seleção e capacitação de diretores escolares. Estudos e pesquisas. São Paulo: Fundação Victor Civita, 2011, p. 167-225. Disponível em: http://www.fvc.org.br/pdf/livro2-03-mapeamento.pdf. Acesso em: 25 set. 2016.MAGALDI, Ana Maria; GONDRA, José G. A reorganização do campo educacional no Brasil: manifestações, manifestos e manifestantes. Rio de Janeiro: 7Letras, 2003.MELO, Marisete Fernandes de. Programa nacional escola de gestores para a educação básica: um olhar sobre a proposta e execução na Paraíba (2010 - 2012). 2017. Dissertação de Mestrado. Universidade Federal da Paraíba. Mestrado Profissional em Políticas Públicas, Gestão e Avaliação da Educação, 2017. Disponível em https://repositorio.ufpb.br/ jspui/handle/tede/9320. Acesso em 31 out. 2018.NOGUEIRA, Danielle Xabregas Pamplona. Programa de Capacitação a Distância de Gestores Escolares – Progestão no Estado do Pará: um estudo sobre a implementação do curso de especialização, no período de 2001 a 2002. 2008. Dissertação(Mestrado em Educação). Universidade de Brasília, Brasília, 2008. Disponível em: http://repositorio.unb.br/handle/10482/1845. Acesso em: 27 out. 2018.OLIVEIRA, Ana Cristina Prado de. Gestão, liderança e clima escolar. Curitiba: Appris, 2018.OLIVEIRA, Ana Cristina Prado de; CARVALHO, Cynthia Paes de. Gestão escolar, liderança do diretor e resultados educacionais no Brasil. Rev. Bras. Educ. 2018, vol.23, p. 1-18. Disponível em: http://www.scielo.br/pdf/rbedu/v23/1809-449X-rbedu-23-e230015.pdf. Acesso em: 19 ago. 2018.OLIVEIRA, Ana Cristina Prado de; WALDHELM, Andrea Paula Souza. Liderança do diretor, clima escolar e desempenho dos alunos: qual a relação? Ensaio: aval. pol. públ. Educ., Rio de Janeiro, v. 24, n. 93, p. 824-844, out./dez. 2016. Disponível em http://www.scielo.br/pdf/ensaio/v24n93/1809-4465-ensaio-24-93-0824.pdf. Acesso em 12 jun. 2018. PENA, Anderson Córdova. Um conceito para liderança escolar: estudo realizado com diretores de escolas da rede pública estadual de Minas Gerais. 2013. Universidade Federal de Juiz de Fora. Tese de Doutorado. 2013. Disponível em: https://repositorio.ufjf.br/jspui/ handle/ufjf/2426. Acesso em 31 out. 2018.PINHEIRO, Camila Mendes; DAL RI, Neusa Maria. Democratização da educação na década de 1980: o Fórum da Educação na Constituinte e a IV Conferência Brasileira de Educação 1986. Disponível em: http://www.histedbr.fe.unicamp.br/acer_histedbr/jornada/ jornada11/artigos/8/artigo_simposio_8_749_mila_pinheiro_@hotmail.com.pdf Acesso em: 26 out. 2018.PINHEIRO, Camila Mendes. O Fórum Nacional em Defesa da Escola Pública e o princípio de gestão democrática na Constituição Federal de 1988. 2015. 234 f. Dissertação (mestrado). Universidade Estadual Paulista Júlio de Mesquita Filho, Faculdade de Filosofia e Ciências, 2015. Disponível em: http://hdl.handle.net/11449/ 124369. Acesso em: 26 out. 2018.POLON, Thelma Lucia P. Perfis de liderança e seus reflexos na gestão escolar. In: 34ª Reunião Anual da ANPED, 2011, Anais... Natal/RN: Centro de Convenções, 2011.ROMANO, Alessandro Segala; OLIVEIRA, Márcia Pacini de. A gestão participativa e o papel da liderança do diretor na educação profissional. Revista InSIET: Revista In Sustentabilidade, Inovação & Empreendedorismo Tecnológico, São Paulo, v. 2 n. 2, agosto/dezembro de 2015.RUA, Maria das Graças. Análise de políticas públicas: conceitos básicos. s. d.SCOTUZZI, Claudia Aparecida Sorgon. Gestão democrática nas escolas e progestão: que relação é esta?. 2008. Dissertação (mestrado). Universidade Estadual Paulista, Instituto de Biociências de Rio Claro, 2008. Disponível em: <http://hdl.handle.net/11449/90065> Acesso em: 27 out 2018.SILVA, Givanildo da; SILVA, Alex Vieira da; SANTOS, Inalda Maria dos Santos. Concepções de gestão escolar pós–LDB: o gerencialismo e a gestão democrática. Revista Retratos da Escola, Brasília, v. 10, n. 19, p. 533-549, jul./dez. 2016.SILVA, Luís Gustavo Alexandre da; ALVES, Miriam Fábia. Gerencialismo na escola pública: contradições e desafios concernentes à gestão, à autonomia e à organização do trabalho escolar. RBPAE - v. 28, n. 3, p. 665-681, set/dez. 2012. SOTTANI, Natália Bazoti Brito; MARIANO, Sandra Regina Holanda; MORAES, Joysi; DIAS, Bruno Francisco. Políticas públicas de formação de diretores de escolas públicas no Brasil: Uma análise do Programa Nacional Escola de Gestores da Educação Básica (PNEGEB). ARCHIVOS ANALÍTICOS DE POLÍTICAS EDUCATIVAS / EDUCATION POLICY ANALYSIS ARCHIVES, v. 26, p. 153, 2018.SOUZA, Celina. Introdução Políticas Públicas: uma revisão da literatura. Sociologias, Porto Alegre, ano 8, nº 16, jul/dez 2006, p. 20-45. TEODORO, António. Considerações breves sobre transdiciplinaridade de um campo de estudos. Revista de Humanidades e Tecnologias. s.d. p. 117-121. Disponível em: http://recil.ulusofona.pt/bitstream/handle/10437/2356/1019.pdf?sequence=1. Acesso em: 08 dez. 2018.UNESCO. El liderazgo escolar em América Latina y el Caribe: un estado del arte com base en ocho sistemas escolares de la región. Oficina Regional de Educación para América Latina y el Caribe (OREALC/UNESCO Santiago). 2014. Disponível em http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0023/002327/232799s.pdf. Acesso em 31 out. 2018.VAILLANT, Denise. Liderazgo escolar, evolución de políticas y prácticas y mejora de la calidad educativa. 2015. Disponivel em http://www.maestro100puntos.org.gt/ sites/default/files/liderazgo-escolar-evolucion-de-politicas-mejora-de-la-calidad-unesco.pdf. Acesso em 31 out. 2018.VIDAL, Eloisa Maia; VIEIRA, Sofia Lerche. Meta 19. In: INEP Plano Nacional de Educação PNE 2014 - 2024: Linha de Base. Brasília, DF: Inep, 2015. p. 313 – 334. Disponível em http://portal.inep.gov.br/informacao-da-publicacao/-/asset_publisher/6JYIsGMAMkW1/ document/id/493812. Acesso em 31 out. 2018.VIEIRA, Sofia Lerche. Poder local e educação no Brasil: dimensões e tensões. RBPAE. v.27, n.1, p. 123-133, jan./abr. 2011. Disponível em file:///C:/Users/elois/Downloads/ 19972-72432-1-PB.pdf. Acesso em 31 out. 2018.WEINSTEIN, José. (org.). Liderazgo educativo en las escuelas: nueve miradas. Santiago de Chile, Salesianos Impresores, 2016.

Abstract:

Somalia has an historic opportunity to turn the page on decades of conflict, fragility and state fragmentation, and embark on a trajectory towards poverty reduction and inclusive growth. For over two decades, Somalia has experienced protracted conflict and fragility, the collapse of rule of law, institutions, basic public services and the social contract, resulting in the impoverishment of millions. The 2012 Provisional Constitution established a federal political structure, including a parliament, the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) and the Federal Member States (FMS). The sustained political, economic and institutional reforms undertaken since 2016 have succeeded in rebuilding core state capabilities.

Abstract:

The much-debated diagnostic report, the National Development Plan 2030 (NDP), paints a worrying picture about the state of the health system in South Africa. The NDP simply states that, “At institutional level, healthcare management is in crisis” (Republic of South Africa 2012, National Development Plan of 2030: 52). One of the remedial measures proposed by the NDP is the introduction of the National Health Insurance in South Africa (Republic of South Africa 2012, National Development Plan of 2030: 52). It is hoped that the National Health Insurance “will ensure that everyone has access to appropriate, efficient and quality health services” (Republic of South Africa 2012, National Development Plan of 2030: 4).The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 sets the benchmark and the ideals towards which public servants must strive as they deliver the much-needed services to the general populace (s 195(1)(a)−(i)). Among others, public servants must promote and maintain a high standard of professional ethics (s 195(1)(a)). Further, the Batho Pele Principles require it of government institutions to, inter alia communicate the level and quality of service, which the public must expect from them (Batho Pele Principles Principle 2). It is therefore not misguided to say that generally, people are aware of the standard of service they should expect from state institutions. As a matter of fact, people have gone to the courts of law to hold state institutions accountable. In this regard the medical fraternity has in the recent past witnessed an upsurge of court cases of negligence against the health department. This rise in litigation has led to a crisis of another kind. According to the Minister of Health, healthcare in South Africa is facing a crisis because some medical practitioners, particularly gynaecologists and obstetricians, have opted not to perform operations for fear of lawsuits.The concerns of the Minister notwithstanding, the daily experiences of people point to the fact that despite the lofty ideals in the Constitution and the Batho Pele Principles, the general public continues to receive sub-standard service from public institutions, especially from public hospitals. The case of Lushaba v MEC for Health, Gauteng (The original case) provides a good illustration of a nation, which is in a state of paralysis ethically. The case paints a picture of “state employees who could not be bothered to do their work” (The rule nisi case par 87). What is even more ominous is the observation by Robinson JA that shaming such public officials no longer has any effect (The rule nisi case par 90).The Lushaba case has all the hallmarks of the cost of indifference on the ethical values of a nation. Axiomatically, such a cost cannot only be measured in Rands and cents. Later in the discussion, we hope to make it clear that indifference impacts on the valuable time of the court and the plaintiff, the reputation of the various institutions involved, quality of life of the child born with cerebral palsy as a result of indifference, the dignity of both the mother and her son and, of course, the taxpayers’ money. These factors combined provide a good basis for reflection on the cost of indifference in this case. To provide some background, the facts of the Lushaba case are discussed briefly, after which the indifference of every role player in the events leading up to the two court cases are highlighted. In the process, our discussion also makes mention of the trajectory that the case followed from the court a quo all the way to the Constitutional Court (MEC for Health, Gauteng v Lushaba [2015] ZACC 16). In the Constitutional Court’s judgment, even the High Court judge came under scrutiny.

Abstract:

<p align="center"><em>A</em><em>b</em><em>s</em><em>tr</em><em>ac</em><em>t</em></p><p><em>T</em><em>h</em><em>e policy on the land procurement matters for the development for public interest has been governed in 1945 Constitution, Indonesia’s Law Number 5 of 1960 on The Agrarian Affairs and Indonesia’s Law Number 2 of 2012 on The Land Procurement for the Development for Public Interest, President Regulation Number 148 of 2015 about the Fourth Amendment to Perpres Number 71 of 2012 about Land Procurement Implementation for the Development for Public Interest. The research method used in this research is normative juridical approach method. We have a conclusion describing that compensation was given by means of giving reasonable and just compensation to those deserved in the land procurement R</em><em>e</em><em>commendation, In compensation discussion, the consensus should be achieved as much as possible.</em></p><p><em>K</em><em>ey</em><em>w</em><em>o</em><em>r</em><em>d</em><em>s</em><em>: </em><em>C</em><em>o</em><em>mpensation Policy, Land Procurement, Public Interest.</em></p><p align="center">Abstrak</p><p>Kebijakan dalam pengadaan tanah bagi pembangunan untuk kepentingan umum diatur dalam Undang – Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945, Undang-Undang Nomor 5 Tahun 1960 tentang Peraturan Dasar Pokok-pokok Agraria (UUPA) dan Undang – Undang Nomor 2 Tahun 2012 Tentang Pengadaan Tanah.bagi Pembangunan untuk Kepentingan Umum, Peraturan Presiden (Perpres) Nomor 148 Tahun 2015 tentang Perubahan Keempat atas Perpres Nomor 71 Tahun 2012 tentang Penyelenggaraan Pengadaan Tanah Bagi Pembangunan untuk Kepentingan Umum. Metode penelitian dalam penulisan jurnal ini adalah metode pendekatan yuridis normatif. Secara ringkas kesimpulan dari hasil pembahasan adalah pemberian ganti kerugian dilakukan dengan cara penggantian yang layak dan adil kepada pihak yang berhak dalam proses pengadaan tanah. Penilaian besarnya nilai Ganti Kerugian oleh Penilai dilakukan bidang per bidang tanah. Dalam musyawarah pemberian ganti rugi hendaknya sebisa mungkin dicapai kata sepakat sehingga ganti rugi langsung diterima oleh yang berhak tidak perlu dititipkan ke Pengadilan Negeri.</p><p>Kata Kunci : Kebijakan Ganti Kerugian , Pengadaan Tanah, Kepentingan Umum</p>

Abstract:

L’étude porte sur des croyances exposées par les utilisateurs via certains outils numériques, principalement les réseaux sociaux virtuels, les blogs et les forums, ayant cependant pour origine des produits culturels de masse. Elle s’intéressera au point d’articulation entre d’une part une communication de type « top-down » à des fins de promotion de biens culturels (marketing et storytelling) et d’autre part la production d’une culture commune (d’un culte commun ?) par les utilisateurs des technologies numériques (web 2.0). Nous nous intéressons par exemple au culte Jedi-iste (Star Wars) et aux croyances eschatologiques (2012). Paradoxalement, les « fausses » ( ?) croyances exprimées évoquent les plaisirs fugaces de la fiction (« willing suspension of disbelief ») mais étendus aux pratiques sociales du quotidien ; elles s’apparentent à un jeu, une manière de fuir les désordres de la réalité (climatiques, économiques, sociaux, politiques, religieux…) et, dans le même temps, sont fortement connectées à cette réalité désenchantée. Nous avions déjà entraperçu cette contradiction interne dans l’analyse des constructions imaginaires «faniques » autour de l’univers des jeux en ligne multi-joueurs (Chibout & Martin, 2009). A l’heure où les textes fondateurs (livres saints, constitution, traditions…) et les certitudes universelles sont ébranlés (Lyotard), on feint de croire à des réalités inventées de toutes pièces (pour ne pas dire faites de bric et de broc). Les échanges virtuels portant sur les pseudo-croyances renvoient, en effet, à des co-constructions hybrides mêlant faits scientifiques, prophéties ésotériques, superstitions et religion(s) mondiales et transhistoriques (qui prennent sens dans une créolisation généralisée). Très liées aux circonstances qui les ont vues naître ou dans lesquelles on les a diffusées ou partagées, ces croyances sont marquées par l’inconstance ou l’inconsistance. L’absence de profondeur des « convictions » est à l’image de la labilité et de la fluidité des relations et des conduites installées dans la vie virtuelle.

Abstract:

En anthropologie juridique, le terme « justice paysanne » renvoie à l’une des expressions du pluralisme juridique, entendu comme l’existence d’une pluralité d’ordres normatifs, de conceptions du/des « Droit/s » et de pratiques de résolution des problèmes au sein d’un collectif, dans ce cas-ci un État (Eberhard, Motard, Piccoli 2016 ; Garcia, Truffin 2009). Plus spécifiquement, la justice paysanne constitue une branche de la justice indigène, qui, à côté de la justice ordinaire, est légalement reconnue, dans la plupart des pays d’Amérique latine. Cette reconnaissance dérive de l’application de la Convention n°169 de l’Organisation internationale du travail (OIT) sur les peuples indigènes et tribaux (art.9, I). Dans l’expression « justice paysanne », le terme « paysan » réfère à une identification qui n’est pas strictement socioprofessionnelle, mais renvoie également à une origine culturelle précolombienne. L’utilisation de ce terme dans un sens qui recoupe partiellement celui d’indigène est spécifique à la Bolivie et au Pérou. En Équateur et en Colombie, par exemple, il est question de justice « indigène », mais sans renvoi à la notion de paysannerie (Huber 2009). La justice paysanne réfère donc à une forme de justice « indigène » uniquement dans les pays où le terme « paysan », a, pour des raisons historiques, recouvert une partie de la signification des mots « indien », « autochtone » ou « indigène ». Les problématiques soulevées par la justice paysanne sont donc largement semblables à celles des autres formes justices indigènes. Au Pérou, l’identification des populations andines comme populations paysannes est imposée par la Réforme agraire dans les années 1960 pour remplacer le terme injurieux d’« indio ». La justice paysanne se rapporte alors à la justice administrée par les Rondes paysannes et les Communautés paysannes et reconnue par la Constitution politique de 1993 (art. 149). Les Rondes paysannes sont des institutions endogènes récentes, apparues dans les années 1970 dans les campagnes andines, pour faire face aux vols de bétails par des pratiques de vigilance et de justice (Piccoli 2011 ; Starn 1999). Les Communautés paysannes (Andes) et natives (Amazonie) constituent, pour leur part, des régimes fonciers semi-collectifs. Au sein des Rondes et des Communautés paysannes, l’administration de la justice se base sur des décisions prises en assemblée et mêlant des pratiques issues des traditions andines et de l’État. En Bolivie, la justice paysanne est incluse dans les pratiques « indigènes originaires paysannes » reconnues par la Constitution politique de l’État plurinational de 2009 comme de rang égal aux pratiques de justice ordinaire, même si la loi (Ley de deslinde jurisdiccional) pose des limites assez strictes à leur mise en œuvre (Oliden Zuñiga 2013). L’expression « indigène originaire paysanne » tente de tenir compte de la pluralité des appartenances indigènes de Bolivie. La Constitution spécifie qu’« Est une nation ou un peuple indigène originaire paysan toute collectivité humaine qui partage une identité culturelle, une langue, une tradition historique, des institutions, un territoire et une cosmovision, dont l’existence est antérieure à l’invasion coloniale espagnole » (art. 30, I). Tout comme aux autres populations, l’État leur reconnaît le droit « à l’exercice de leurs systèmes politiques, juridiques et économiques en accord avec leur cosmovision » (art 30, II, 14). En dépit de la reconnaissance légale, en Bolivie, comme au Pérou, la question de la limite entre une pratique de justice et l’exercice de lynchages est sujet à de nombreux débats tant en raison d’amalgames langagiers que de stratégies juridiques (Robin Azevedo 2012). Ce qui est en jeu est à la fois la question de la pluralité de l’État mais aussi des limites de celles-ci : populations métisses, urbanisées etc. questionnent les limites posées par les lois de reconnaissance. L’anthropologie juridique – et l’étude de la justice paysanne – se confronte d’emblée à la question normative, tant son objet est lié à la question de l’État, de l’utilisation de forces coercitives et de constructions de législations. L’anthropologie permet, par le décentrement et sa non normativité, d’approcher des réalités complexes, dans un angle différent de celui du juriste. Elle donne donc une lecture distancée des pratiques de justice paysanne, en ne se souciant pas prioritairement de leur légalité, mais en les décrivant pour ce qu’elles sont et en les reliant à l’ensemble des pratiques sociales d’un groupe et des représentations culturelles, conceptuelles, symboliques dans lesquelles elle sont ancrées. De là émerge un apport professionnel spécifique de l’anthropologie juridique, dans les pays d’Amérique du Sud, à savoir l’utilisation de l’expertise anthropologique pour trancher les débats quant à la valeur « culturelles » des pratiques paysannes mises en question lors de jugements. Dans ces cas, la question de l’authenticité indigène des pratiques paysannes est souvent cruciale, mettant en lumière les liens entre ces deux concepts et replaçant inévitablement l’anthropologie au cœur de processus normatifs et politiques (Sanchez Botero 2010)

Abstract:

History is not over and that includes media history. Jay Rosen (Zelizer & Allan 33) The media in their reporting on terrorism tend to be judgmental, inflammatory, and sensationalistic. — Susan D. Moeller (169) In short, we are directed in time, and our relation to the future is different than our relation to the past. All our questions are conditioned by this asymmetry, and all our answers to these questions are equally conditioned by it. Norbert Wiener (44) The Clash of Geopolitical Pundits America’s geo-strategic engagement with the world underwent a dramatic shift in the decade after the Cold War ended. United States military forces undertook a series of humanitarian interventions from northern Iraq (1991) and Somalia (1992) to NATO’s bombing campaign on Kosovo (1999). Wall Street financial speculators embraced market-oriented globalization and technology-based industries (Friedman 1999). Meanwhile the geo-strategic pundits debated several different scenarios at deeper layers of epistemology and macrohistory including the breakdown of nation-states (Kaplan), the ‘clash of civilizations’ along religiopolitical fault-lines (Huntington) and the fashionable ‘end of history’ thesis (f*ckuyama). Media theorists expressed this geo-strategic shift in reference to the ‘CNN Effect’: the power of real-time media ‘to provoke major responses from domestic audiences and political elites to both global and national events’ (Robinson 2). This media ecology is often contrasted with ‘Gateholder’ and ‘Manufacturing Consent’ models. The ‘CNN Effect’ privileges humanitarian and non-government organisations whereas the latter models focus upon the conformist mind-sets and shared worldviews of government and policy decision-makers. The September 11 attacks generated an uncertain interdependency between the terrorists, government officials, and favourable media coverage. It provided a test case, as had the humanitarian interventions (Robinson 37) before it, to test the claim by proponents that the ‘CNN Effect’ had policy leverage during critical stress points. The attacks also revived a long-running debate in media circles about the risk factors of global media. McLuhan (1964) and Ballard (1990) had prophesied that the global media would pose a real-time challenge to decision-making processes and that its visual imagery would have unforeseen psychological effects on viewers. Wark (1994) noted that journalists who covered real-time events including the Wall Street crash (1987) and collapse of the Berlin Wall (1989) were traumatised by their ‘virtual’ geographies. The ‘War on Terror’ as 21st Century Myth Three recent books explore how the 1990s humanitarian interventions and the September 11 attacks have remapped this ‘virtual’ territory with all too real consequences. Piers Robinson’s The CNN Effect (2002) critiques the theory and proposes the policy-media interaction model. Barbie Zelizer and Stuart Allan’s anthology Journalism After September 11 (2002) examines how September 11 affected the journalists who covered it and the implications for news values. Sandra Silberstein’s War of Words (2002) uncovers how strategic language framed the U.S. response to September 11. Robinson provides the contextual background; Silberstein contributes the specifics; and Zelizer and Allan surface broader perspectives. These books offer insights into the social construction of the nebulous War on Terror and why certain images and trajectories were chosen at the expense of other possibilities. Silberstein locates this world-historical moment in the three-week transition between September 11’s aftermath and the U.S. bombings of Afghanistan’s Taliban regime. Descriptions like the ‘War on Terror’ and ‘Axis of Evil’ framed the U.S. military response, provided a conceptual justification for the bombings, and also brought into being the geo-strategic context for other nations. The crucial element in this process was when U.S. President George W. Bush adopted a pedagogical style for his public speeches, underpinned by the illusions of communal symbols and shared meanings (Silberstein 6-8). Bush’s initial address to the nation on September 11 invoked the ambiguous pronoun ‘we’ to recreate ‘a unified nation, under God’ (Silberstein 4). The 1990s humanitarian interventions had frequently been debated in Daniel Hallin’s sphere of ‘legitimate controversy’; however the grammar used by Bush and his political advisers located the debate in the sphere of ‘consensus’. This brief period of enforced consensus was reinforced by the structural limitations of North American media outlets. September 11 combined ‘tragedy, public danger and a grave threat to national security’, Michael Schudson observed, and in the aftermath North American journalism shifted ‘toward a prose of solidarity rather than a prose of information’ (Zelizer & Allan 41). Debate about why America was hated did not go much beyond Bush’s explanation that ‘they hated our freedoms’ (Silberstein 14). Robert W. McChesney noted that alternatives to the ‘war’ paradigm were rarely mentioned in the mainstream media (Zelizer & Allan 93). A new myth for the 21st century had been unleashed. The Cycle of Integration Propaganda Journalistic prose masked the propaganda of social integration that atomised the individual within a larger collective (Ellul). The War on Terror was constructed by geopolitical pundits as a Manichean battle between ‘an “evil” them and a national us’ (Silberstein 47). But the national crisis made ‘us’ suddenly problematic. Resurgent patriotism focused on the American flag instead of Constitutional rights. Debates about military tribunals and the USA Patriot Act resurrected the dystopian fears of a surveillance society. New York City mayor Rudy Guiliani suddenly became a leadership icon and Time magazine awarded him Person of the Year (Silberstein 92). Guiliani suggested at the Concert for New York on 20 October 2001 that ‘New Yorkers and Americans have been united as never before’ (Silberstein 104). Even the series of Public Service Announcements created by the Ad Council and U.S. advertising agencies succeeded in blurring the lines between cultural tolerance, social inclusion, and social integration (Silberstein 108-16). In this climate the in-depth discussion of alternate options and informed dissent became thought-crimes. The American Council of Trustees and Alumni’s report Defending Civilization: How Our Universities are Failing America (2002), which singled out “blame America first” academics, ignited a firestorm of debate about educational curriculums, interpreting history, and the limits of academic freedom. Silberstein’s perceptive analysis surfaces how ACTA assumed moral authority and collective misunderstandings as justification for its interrogation of internal enemies. The errors she notes included presumed conclusions, hasty generalisations, bifurcated worldviews, and false analogies (Silberstein 133, 135, 139, 141). Op-ed columnists soon exposed ACTA’s gambit as a pre-packaged witch-hunt. But newscasters then channel-skipped into military metaphors as the Afghanistan campaign began. The weeks after the attacks New York City sidewalk traders moved incense and tourist photos to make way for World Trade Center memorabilia and anti-Osama shirts. Chevy and Ford morphed September 11 catchphrases (notably Todd Beamer’s last words “Let’s Roll” on Flight 93) and imagery into car advertising campaigns (Silberstein 124-5). American self-identity was finally reasserted in the face of a domestic recession through this wave of vulgar commercialism. The ‘Simulated’ Fall of Elite Journalism For Columbia University professor James Carey the ‘failure of journalism on September 11’ signaled the ‘collapse of the elites of American journalism’ (Zelizer & Allan 77). Carey traces the rise-and-fall of adversarial and investigative journalism from the Pentagon Papers and Watergate through the intermediation of the press to the myopic self-interest of the 1988 and 1992 Presidential campaigns. Carey’s framing echoes the earlier criticisms of Carl Bernstein and Hunter S. Thompson. However this critique overlooks several complexities. Piers Robinson cites Alison Preston’s insight that diplomacy, geopolitics and elite reportage defines itself through the sense of distance from its subjects. Robinson distinguished between two reportage types: distance framing ‘creates emotional distance’ between the viewers and victims whilst support framing accepts the ‘official policy’ (28). The upsurge in patriotism, the vulgar commercialism, and the mini-cycle of memorabilia and publishing all combined to enhance the support framing of the U.S. federal government. Empathy generated for September 11’s victims was tied to support of military intervention. However this closeness rapidly became the distance framing of the Afghanistan campaign. News coverage recycled the familiar visuals of in-progress bombings and Taliban barbarians. The alternative press, peace movements, and social activists then retaliated against this coverage by reinstating the support framing that revealed structural violence and gave voice to silenced minorities and victims. What really unfolded after September 11 was not the demise of journalism’s elite but rather the renegotiation of reportage boundaries and shared meanings. Journalists scoured the Internet for eyewitness accounts and to interview survivors (Zelizer & Allan 129). The same medium was used by others to spread conspiracy theories and viral rumors that numerology predicted the date September 11 or that the “face of Satan” could be seen in photographs of the World Trade Center (Zelizer & Allan 133). Karim H. Karim notes that the Jihad frame of an “Islamic Peril” was socially constructed by media outlets but then challenged by individual journalists who had learnt ‘to question the essentialist bases of her own socialization and placing herself in the Other’s shoes’ (Zelizer & Allan 112). Other journalists forgot that Jihad and McWorld were not separate but two intertwined worldviews that fed upon each other. The September 11 attacks on the Pentagon and the World Trade Center also had deep symbolic resonances for American sociopolitical ideals that some journalists explored through analysis of myths and metaphors. The Rise of Strategic Geography However these renegotiated boundariesof new media, multiperspectival frames, and ‘layered’ depth approaches to issues analysiswere essentially minority reports. The rationalist mode of journalism was soon reasserted through normative appeals to strategic geography. The U.S. networks framed their documentaries on Islam and the Middle East in bluntly realpolitik terms. The documentary “Minefield: The United States and the Muslim World” (ABC, 11 October 2001) made explicit strategic assumptions of ‘the U.S. as “managing” the region’ and ‘a definite tinge of superiority’ (Silberstein 153). ABC and CNN stressed the similarities between the world’s major monotheistic religions and their scriptural doctrines. Both networks limited their coverage of critiques and dissent to internecine schisms within these traditions (Silberstein 158). CNN also created different coverage for its North American and international audiences. The BBC was more cautious in its September 11 coverage and more global in outlook. Three United Kingdom specials – Panorama (Clash of Cultures, BBC1, 21 October 2001), Question Time (Question Time Special, BBC1, 13 September 2001), and “War Without End” (War on Trial, Channel 4, 27 October 2001) – drew upon the British traditions of parliamentary assembly, expert panels, and legal trials as ways to explore the multiple dimensions of the ‘War on Terror’ (Zelizer & Allan 180). These latter debates weren’t value free: the programs sanctioned ‘a tightly controlled and hierarchical agora’ through different containment strategies (Zelizer & Allan 183). Program formats, selected experts and presenters, and editorial/on-screen graphics were factors that pre-empted the viewer’s experience and conclusions. The traditional emphasis of news values on the expert was renewed. These subtle forms of thought-control enabled policy-makers to inform the public whilst inoculating them against terrorist propaganda. However the ‘CNN Effect’ also had counter-offensive capabilities. Osama bin Laden’s videotaped sermons and the al-Jazeera network’s broadcasts undermined the psychological operations maxim that enemies must not gain access to the mindshare of domestic audiences. Ingrid Volkmer recounts how the Los Angeles based National Iranian Television Network used satellite broadcasts to criticize the Iranian leadership and spark public riots (Zelizer & Allan 242). These incidents hint at why the ‘War on Terror’ myth, now unleashed upon the world, may become far more destabilizing to the world system than previous conflicts. Risk Reportage and Mediated Trauma When media analysts were considering the ‘CNN Effect’ a group of social contract theorists including Anthony Giddens, Zygmunt Bauman, and Ulrich Beck were debating, simultaneously, the status of modernity and the ‘unbounded contours’ of globalization. Beck termed this new environment of escalating uncertainties and uninsurable dangers the ‘world risk society’ (Beck). Although they drew upon constructivist and realist traditions Beck and Giddens ‘did not place risk perception at the center of their analysis’ (Zelizer & Allan 203). Instead this was the role of journalist as ‘witness’ to Ballard-style ‘institutionalized disaster areas’. The terrorist attacks on September 11 materialized this risk and obliterated the journalistic norms of detachment and objectivity. The trauma ‘destabilizes a sense of self’ within individuals (Zelizer & Allan 205) and disrupts the image-generating capacity of collective societies. Barbie Zelizer found that the press selection of September 11 photos and witnesses re-enacted the ‘Holocaust aesthetic’ created when Allied Forces freed the Nazi internment camps in 1945 (Zelizer & Allan 55-7). The visceral nature of September 11 imagery inverted the trend, from the Gulf War to NATO’s Kosovo bombings, for news outlets to depict war in detached video-game imagery (Zelizer & Allan 253). Coverage of the September 11 attacks and the subsequent Bali bombings (on 12 October 2002) followed a four-part pattern news cycle of assassinations and terrorism (Moeller 164-7). Moeller found that coverage moved from the initial event to a hunt for the perpetrators, public mourning, and finally, a sense of closure ‘when the media reassert the supremacy of the established political and social order’ (167). In both events the shock of the initial devastation was rapidly followed by the arrest of al Qaeda and Jamaah Islamiyah members, the creation and copying of the New York Times ‘Portraits of Grief’ template, and the mediation of trauma by a re-established moral order. News pundits had clearly studied the literature on bereavement and grief cycles (Kubler-Ross). However the neo-noir work culture of some outlets also fueled bitter disputes about how post-traumatic stress affected journalists themselves (Zelizer & Allan 253). Reconfiguring the Future After September 11 the geopolitical pundits, a reactive cycle of integration propaganda, pecking order shifts within journalism elites, strategic language, and mediated trauma all combined to bring a specific future into being. This outcome reflected the ‘media-state relationship’ in which coverage ‘still reflected policy preferences of parts of the U.S. elite foreign-policy-making community’ (Robinson 129). Although Internet media and non-elite analysts embraced Hallin’s ‘sphere of deviance’ there is no clear evidence yet that they have altered the opinions of policy-makers. The geopolitical segue from September 11 into the U.S.-led campaign against Iraq also has disturbing implications for the ‘CNN Effect’. Robinson found that its mythic reputation was overstated and tied to issues of policy certainty that the theory’s proponents often failed to examine. Media coverage molded a ‘domestic constituency ... for policy-makers to take action in Somalia’ (Robinson 62). He found greater support in ‘anecdotal evidence’ that the United Nations Security Council’s ‘safe area’ for Iraqi Kurds was driven by Turkey’s geo-strategic fears of ‘unwanted Kurdish refugees’ (Robinson 71). Media coverage did impact upon policy-makers to create Bosnian ‘safe areas’, however, ‘the Kosovo, Rwanda, and Iraq case studies’ showed that the ‘CNN Effect’ was unlikely as a key factor ‘when policy certainty exists’ (Robinson 118). The clear implication from Robinson’s studies is that empathy framing, humanitarian values, and searing visual imagery won’t be enough to challenge policy-makers. What remains to be done? Fortunately there are some possibilities that straddle the pragmatic, realpolitik and emancipatory approaches. Today’s activists and analysts are also aware of the dangers of ‘unfreedom’ and un-reflective dissent (Fromm). Peter Gabriel’s organisation Witness, which documents human rights abuses, is one benchmark of how to use real-time media and the video camera in an effective way. The domains of anthropology, negotiation studies, neuro-linguistics, and social psychology offer valuable lessons on techniques of non-coercive influence. The emancipatory tradition of futures studies offers a rich tradition of self-awareness exercises, institution rebuilding, and social imaging, offsets the pragmatic lure of normative scenarios. The final lesson from these books is that activists and analysts must co-adapt as the ‘War on Terror’ mutates into new and terrifying forms. Works Cited Amis, Martin. “Fear and Loathing.” The Guardian (18 Sep. 2001). 1 March 2001 <http://www.guardian.co.uk/Archive/Article/0,4273,4259170,00.php>. Ballard, J.G. The Atrocity Exhibition (rev. ed.). Los Angeles: V/Search Publications, 1990. Beck, Ulrich. World Risk Society. Malden, MA: Polity Press, 1999. Ellul, Jacques. Propaganda: The Formation of Men’s Attitudes. New York: Vintage Books, 1973. Friedman, Thomas. The Lexus and the Olive Tree. New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux, 1999. Fromm, Erich. Escape from Freedom. New York: Farrar & Rhinehart, 1941. f*ckuyama, Francis. The End of History and the Last Man. New York: Free Press, 1992. Huntington, Samuel P. The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1996. Kaplan, Robert. The Coming Anarchy: Shattering the Dreams of the Post Cold War. New York: Random House, 2000. Kubler-Ross, Elizabeth. On Death and Dying. London: Tavistock, 1969. McLuhan, Marshall. Understanding Media: The Extensions of Man. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1964. Moeller, Susan D. Compassion Fatigue: How the Media Sell Disease, Famine, War, and Death. New York: Routledge, 1999. Robinson, Piers. The CNN Effect: The Myth of News, Foreign Policy and Intervention. New York: Routledge, 2002. Silberstein, Sandra. War of Words: Language, Politics and 9/11. New York: Routledge, 2002. Wark, McKenzie. Virtual Geography: Living with Global Media Events. Bloomington IN: Indiana UP, 1994. Wiener, Norbert. Cybernetics: Or Control and Communication in the Animal and the Machine. New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1948. Zelizer, Barbie, and Stuart Allan (eds.). Journalism after September 11. New York: Routledge, 2002. Links http://www.guardian.co.uk/Archive/Article/0 Citation reference for this article Substitute your date of access for Dn Month Year etc... MLA Style Burns, Alex. "The Worldflash of a Coming Future" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture< http://www.media-culture.org.au/0304/08-worldflash.php>. APA Style Burns, A. (2003, Apr 23). The Worldflash of a Coming Future. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture, 6,< http://www.media-culture.org.au/0304/08-worldflash.php>

Abstract:

A common ground between mental health and judicial-legal domains concerns concepts like “care”, “control” and “possibility to foresee” human behaviour, with particular reference to the “social dangerousness”. The connections between these sense-making practices can be traced by discursive modulation of “certainty/uncertainty”. This study aimed to highlight the discursive peculiarities of a specific socio-cultural context and genre, namely scientific papers. The corpus of data consisted in a selection of 30 papers published by the BJP (from 1975 to 2015), on subjects concerning forensic psychiatry, subjected to Content Analysis and Critical Discourse Analysis. Results showed that the papers adopted two main socio-epistemic rhetorics. On one side, the enunciators proceeded in an “assertive” and rigorous manner through a social-epistemic rhetoric of “reassurance”; on the other side, they gave voice to rhetoric of the “limit”, lacking any cognitive “closure”. References Bakhtin, M.M. 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Abstract:

The aim of this article is to identify and analyze the genesis of the resources used by teachers to deal with school situations, especially those related to the religious matter. The constitution of resources for teaching practice does not come only from professional experience, mainly in the Brazilian case, where there are no official rules or prescriptions for this subject. Thus, it is questioned: what are the resources mobilized by teachers in situations involving the religious question? What are the origins of these resources for action in real and often unpredictable situations? It is supposed that the action resources used in teaching practices are consistent with the plurality of references that constitute the teaching identity. Based on ethnographic interviews with eighteen teachers from Elementary School II in the State of São Paulo, 54 situations involving the religious question were collected. All the situations were analyzed in what concerns the resources used by the teachers. For this article four situations will be exposed, they were chosen because they are representative, and they serve to exemplify and to assist the argument developed here. To sum up, this paper reveals that the origin of the repertoires used in the teaching practice, as far as the religious question is concerned, comes from the personal competences, which are closely associated with characteristics of the Brazilian socio-cultural configuration, such as the hybrid dispositions of habitus and the mixture between public sphere and private sphere. All things considered, these aspects of the Brazilian culture culminate in the naturalization of the religious in the teaching practice.ResumoO objetivo deste artigo é identificar e analisar as origens dos recursos utilizados pelos docentes para gerir situações escolares envolvendo a questão religiosa. A constituição de recursos para a prática docente não advém apenas da experiência profissional, principalmente quando se trata de um assunto para o qual não há normas ou prescrições oficiais. Desta forma, questiona-se: quais são os recursos mobilizados pelos docentes em situações envolvendo a questão religiosa? Quais são as origens desses recursos para a ação em situação real, muitas vezes, imprevisível? Tem-se como hipótese que os recursos de ação utilizados nas práticas docentes condizem com a pluralidade de referências que constituem a identidade docente. A partir de entrevistas etnográficas com 18 docentes do Ensino Fundamental II no Estado de São Paulo, foram recolhidas 54 situações envolvendo a questão religiosa. Todas as situações foram analisadas no que concerne aos recursos utilizados pelos docentes. Para este artigo, foram selecionadas quatro situações que serão expostas por serem representativas e por exemplificarem e auxiliarem no argumento aqui desenvolvido. Conclui-se que a origem dos repertórios utilizados na prática docente, no que concerne à questão religiosa, advém das competências pessoais dos profissionais que, por sua vez, estão intimamente associadas com características da configuração sociocultural brasileira, como a mistura entre esfera pública e esfera privada e as disposições híbridas de habitus que culminam com a naturalização do religioso na prática docente.Palavras-chave: Prática docente, Religião e educação, Formação de profissionais da educação, Repertório.Keywords: Teaching practices, Religion and education, Teacher training, Resources.ReferencesALBUQUERQUE, E. M. Avaliação da técnica de amostragem “Respondent-driven Sampling” na estimação de prevalências de Doenças Transmissíveis em populações organizadas em redes complexas. 2009. 99p. Dissertação de Mestrado em Saúde Pública. Escola Nacional de Saúde Pública Sérgio Arouca; Rio de Janeiro: Ministério da Saúde – Fiocruz, 2009.BEAUD, Stéphane; WEBER, Florence. 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Religião e formação docente: desafios para uma educação mais tolerante. 37ª Reunião Nacional da ANPED – 04 a 08 de outubro de 2015, UFSC – Florianópolis.KNOBLAUCH, Adriane. Relação entre religião, gosto por criança e mudança social: a escolha por Pedagogia. In: MELO, Benedita Portugal e; DIOGO, Ana Matias; FERREIRA, Manuela; LOPES, João Teixeira; GOMES, Elias Evangelista. (Orgs.). Entre crise e euforia: práticas e políticas educativas no Brasil e em Portugal. 1ed. Porto: Universidade do Porto/Faculdade de Letras, 2014.LANTHEAUME, Françoise; HÉLOU, Cristophe. La souffrance des enseignants. Une sociologie pragmatique du travail enseignant. Paris: PUF, 2008.MARIANO, Ricardo. Expansão pentecostal no Brasil: O caso da Igreja Universal. Estudos Avançados (USP. Impresso), São Paulo, v. 52, p. 121-138, 2004.MARTUCCELLI, Danilo. Existen individuos en el Sul? 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Abstract:

Introduction Almost all industries in Australia today have adopted digital media in some way. However, uses in large scale activities such as mining may seem to be different from others. This article looks at mining practices with a media studies approach, and concludes that, just as many other industries, mining and media have converged. Many Australian mine sites are adopting new media for communication and control to manage communication, explore for ore bodies, simulate forces, automate drilling, keep records, and make transport and command robotic. Beyond sharing similar digital devices for communication and computation, new media in mining employ characteristic digital media operations, such as numerical operation, automation and managed variability. This article examines the implications of finding that some of the most material practices have become mediated by new media. Mining has become increasingly mediated through new media technologies similar to GPS, visualisation, game remote operation, similar to those adopted in consumer home and mobile digital media. The growing and diversified adoption of digital media championed by companies like Rio Tinto aims not only ‘improve’ mining, but to change it. Through remediating practices of digital mining, new media have become integral powerful tools in prospective, real time and analytical environments. This paper draws on two well-known case studies of mines in the Pilbara and Western NSW. These have been documented in press releases and media reports as representing changes in media and mining. First, the West Angelas mines in the Pilbara is an open cut iron ore mine introducing automation and remote operation. This mine is located in the remote Pilbara, and is notable for being operated remotely from a control centre 2000km away, near Perth Airport, WA. A growing fleet of Komatsu 930E haul trucks, which can drive autonomously, traverses the site. Fitted with radars, lasers and GPS, these enormous vehicles navigate through the open pit mine with no direct human control. Introducing these innovations to mine sites become more viable after iron ore mining became increasingly profitable in the mid-2000s. A boom in steel building in China drove unprecedented demand. This growing income coincided with a change in public rhetoric from companies like Rio Tinto. They pointed towards substantial investments in research, infrastructure, and accelerated introduction of new media technologies into mining practices. Rio Tinto trademarked the term ‘Mine of the future’ (US Federal News Service 1), and publicised their ambitious project for renewal of mining practice, including digital media. More recently, prices have been more volatile. The second case study site is a copper and gold underground mine at Northparkes in Western NSW. Northparkes uses substantial sensing and control, as well as hybrid autonomous and remote operated vehicles. The use of digital media begins with prospecting, and through to logistics of transportation. Engineers place explosives in optimal positions using computer modelling of the underground rock formations. They make heavy use of software to coordinate layer-by-layer use of explosives in this advanced ‘box cut’ mine. After explosives disrupt the rock layer a kilometre underground, another specialised vehicle collects and carries the ore to the surface. The Sandvik loader-hauler-dumper (LHD) can be driven conventionally by a driver, but it can also travel autonomously in and out of the mine without a direct operator. Once it reaches a collection point, where the broken up ore has accumulated, a user of the surface can change the media mode to telepresence. The human operator then takes control using something like a games controller and multiple screens. The remote operator controls the LHD to fill the scoop with ore. The fully-loaded LHD backs up, and returns autonomously using laser senses to follow a trail to the next drop off point. The LHD has become a powerful mediator, reconfiguring technical, material and social practices throughout the mine. The Meanings of Mining and Media Are Converging Until recently, mining and media typically operated ontologically separately. The media, such as newspapers and television, often tell stories about mining, following regular narrative scripts. There are controversies and conflicts, narratives of ecological crises, and the economics of national benefit. There are heroic and tragic stories such as the Beaconsfield mine collapse (Clark). There are new industry policies (Middelbeek), which are politically fraught because of the lobbying power of miners. Almost completely separately, workers in mines were consumers of media, from news to entertainment. These media practices, while important in their own right, tell nothing of the approaching changes in many other sectors of work and everyday life. It is somewhat unusual for a media studies scholar to study mine sites. Mine sites are most commonly studied by Engineering (Bellamy & Pravica), Business and labour and cultural histories (McDonald, Mayes & Pini). Until recently, media scholarship on mining has related to media institutions, such as newspapers, broadcasters and websites, and their audiences. As digital media have proliferated, the phenomena that can be considered as media phenomena has changed. This article, pointing to the growing roles of media technologies, observes the growing importance that media, in these terms, have in the rapidly changing domain of mining. Another meaning for ‘media’ studies, from cybernetics, is that a medium is any technology that translates perception, makes interpretations, and performs expressions. This meaning is more abstract, operating with a broader definition of media — not only those institutionalised as newspapers or radio stations. It is well known that computer-based media have become ubiquitous in culture. This is true in particular within the mining company’s higher ranks. Rio Tinto’s ambitious 2010 ‘Mine of the Future’ (Fisher & Schnittger, 2) program was premised on an awareness that engineers, middle managers and senior staff were already highly computer literate. It is worth remembering that such competency was relatively uncommon until the late 1980s. The meanings of digital media have been shifting for many years, as computers become experienced more as everyday personal artefacts, and less as remote information systems. Their value has always been held with some ambivalence. Zuboff’s (387-414) picture of loss, intimidation and resistance to new information technologies in the 1980s seems to have dissipated by 2011. More than simply being accepted begrudgingly, the PC platform (and variants) has become a ubiquitous platform, a lingua franca for information workers. It became an intimate companion for many professions, and in many homes. It was an inexpensive, versatile and generalised convergent medium for communication and control. And yet, writers such as Gregg observe, the flexibility of networked digital work imposes upon many workers ‘unlimited work’. The office boundaries of the office wall break down, for better or worse. Emails, utility and other work-related behaviours increasingly encroach onto domestic and public space and time. Its very attractiveness to users has tied them to these artefacts. The trail that leads the media studies discipline down the digital mine shaft has been cleared by recent work in media archaeology (Parikka), platform studies (Middelbeek; Montfort & Bogost; Maher) and new media (Manovich). Each of these redefined Media Studies practices addresses the need to diversify the field’s attention and methods. It must look at more specific, less conventional and more complex media formations. Mobile media and games (both computer-based) have turned out to be quite different from traditional media (Hjorth; Goggin). Kirschenbaum’s literary study of hard drives and digital fiction moves from materiality to aesthetics. In my study of digital mining, I present a reconfigured media studies, after the authors, that reveals heterogeneous media configurations, deserving new attention to materiality. This article also draws from the actor network theory approach and terminology (Latour). The uses of media / control / communications in the mining industry are very complex, and remain under constant development. Media such as robotics, computer modelling, remote operation and so on are bound together into complex practices. Each mine site is different — geologically, politically, and economically. Mines are subject to local and remote disasters. Mine tunnels and global prices can collapse, rendering active sites uneconomical overnight. Many technologies are still under development — including Northparkes and West Angelas. Both these sites are notable for their significant use of autonomous vehicles and remote operated vehicles. There is no doubt that the digital technologies modulate all manner of the mining processes: from rocks and mechanical devices to human actors. Each of these actors present different forms of collusion and opposition. Within a mining operation, the budgets for computerised and even robotic systems are relatively modest for their expected return. Deep in a mine, we can still see media convergence at work. Convergence refers to processes whereby previously diverse practices in media have taken on similar devices and techniques. While high-end PCs in mining, running simulators; control data systems; visualisation; telepresence, and so on may be high performance, ruggedised devices, they still share a common platform to the desktop PC. Conceptual resources developed in Media Ecology, New Media Studies, and the Digital Humanities can now inform readings of mining practices, even if their applications differ dramatically in size, reliability and cost. It is not entirely surprising that some observations by new media theorists about entertainment and media applications can also relate to features of mining technologies. Manovich argues that numerical representation is a distinctive feature of new media. Numbers have always already been key to mining engineering. However, computers visualise numerical fields in simulations that extend out of the minds of the calculators, and into visual and even haptic spaces. Specialists in geology, explosives, mechanical apparatuses, and so on, can use plaftorms that are common to everyday media. As the significance of numbers is extended by computers in the field, more and more diverse sources of data provide apparently consistent and seamless images of multiple fields of knowledge. Another feature that Manovich identifies in new media is the capacity for automation of media operations. Automation of many processes in mechanical domains clearly occurred long before industrial technologies were ported into new media. The difference with new media in mine sites is that robotic systems must vary their performance according to feedback from their extra-system environments. For our purposes, the haul trucks in WA are software-controlled devices that already qualify as robots. They sense, interpret and act in the world based on their surroundings. They evaluate multiple factors, including the sensors, GPS signals, operator instructions and so on. They can repeat the path, by sensing the differences, day after day, even if the weather changes, the track wears away or the instructions from base change. Automation compensates for differences within complex and changing environments. Automation of an open-pit mine haulage system… provides more consistent and efficient operation of mining equipment, it removes workers from potential danger, it reduces fuel consumption significantly reducing greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, and it can help optimize vehicle repairs and equipment replacement because of more-predictable and better-controlled maintenance. (Parreire and Meech 1-13) Material components in physical mines tend to become modular and variable, as their physical shape lines up with the logic of another of Manovich’s new media themes, variability. Automatic systems also make obsolete human drivers, who previously handled those environmental variations, for better or for worse, through the dangerous, dull and dirty spaces of the mine. Drivers’ capacity to control repeat trips is no longer needed. The Komatsu driverless truck, introduced to the WA iron ore mines from 2008, proved itself to be almost as quick as human drivers at many tasks. But the driverless trucks have deeper advantages: they can run 23 hours each day with no shift breaks; they drive more cautiously and wear the equipment less than human drivers. There is no need to put up workers and their families up in town. The benefit most often mentioned is safety: even the worst accident won’t produce injuries to drivers. The other advantage less mentioned is that autonomous trucks don’t strike. Meanwhile, managers of human labour also need to adopt certain strategies of modulation to support the needs and expectations of their workers. Mobile phones, televisions and radio are popular modes of connecting workers to their loved ones, particularly in the remote and harsh West Angelas site. One solution — regular fly-in-fly out shifts — tends also to be alienating for workers and locals (Cheshire; Storey; Tonts). As with any operations, the cost of maintaining a safe and comfortable environment for workers requires trade-offs. Companies face risks from mobile phones, leaking computer networks, and espionage that expose the site to security risks. Because of such risks, miners tend be subject to disciplinary regimes. It is common to test alcohol and drug levels. There was some resistance from workers, who refused to change to saliva testing from urine testing (Latimer). Contesting these machines places the medium, in a different sense, at the centre of regulation of the workers’ bodies. In Northparkes, the solution of hybrid autonomous and remote operation is also a solution for modulating labour. It is safer and more comfortable, while also being more efficient, as one experienced driver can control three trucks at a time. This more complex mode of mediation is necessary because underground mines are more complex in geology, and working environments to suit full autonomy. These variations provide different relationships between operators and machines. The operator uses a games controller, and watches four video views from the cabin to make the vehicle fill the bucket with ore (Northparkes Mines, 9). Again, media have become a pivotal element in the mining assemblage. This combines the safety and comfort of autonomous operation (helping to retain staff) with the required use of human sensorimotor dexterity. Mine systems deserve attention from media studies because sites are combining large scale physical complexity with increasingly sophisticated computing. The conventional pictures of mining and media rarely address the specificity of subjective and artefactual encounters in and around mine sites. Any research on mining communication is typically within the instrumental frames of engineering (Duff et al.). Some of the developments in mechanical systems have contributed to efficiency and safety of many mines: larger trucks, more rock crushers, and so on. However, the single most powerful influence on mining has been adopting digital media to control, integrate and mining systems. Rio Tinto’s transformative agenda document is outlined in its high profile ‘Mine of the Future’ agenda (US Federal News Service). The media to which I refer are not only those in popular culture, but also those with digital control and communications systems used internally within mines and supply chains. The global mining industry began adopting digital communication automation (somewhat) systematically only in the 1980s. Mining companies hesitated to adopt digital media because the fundamentals of mining are so risky and bound to standard procedures. Large scale material operations, extracting and processing minerals from under the ground: hardly to be an appropriate space for delicate digital electronics. Mining is also exposed to volatile economic conditions, so investing in anything major can be unattractive. High technology perhaps contradicts an industry ethos of risk-taking and masculinity. Digital media became domesticated, and familiar to a new generation of formally educated engineers for whom databases and algorithms (Manovich) were second nature. Digital systems become simultaneously controllers of objects, and mediators of meanings and relationships. They control movements, and express communications. Computers slide from using meanings to invoking direct actions over objects in the world. Even on an everyday scale, computer operations often control physical processes. Anti-lock Braking Systems regulate a vehicle’s braking pressure to avoid the danger when wheels lock-up. Or another example, is the ATM, which involves both symbolic interactions, and also exchange of physical objects. These operations are examples of the ‘asignifying semiotic’ (Guattari), in which meanings and non-meanings interact. There is no operation essential distinction between media- and non-media digital operations. Which are symbolic, attached or non-consequential is not clear. This trend towards using computation for both meanings and actions has accelerated since 2000. Mines of the Future Beyond a relatively standard set of office and communications software, many fields, including mining, have adopted specialised packages for their domains. In 3D design, it is AutoCAD. In hard sciences, it is custom modelling. In audiovisual production, it may be Apple and Adobe products. Some platforms define their subjectivity, professional identity and practices around these platforms. This platform orientation is apparent in areas of mining, so that applications such as the Gemcom, Rockware, Geological Database and Resource Estimation Modelling from Micromine; geology/mine design software from Runge, Minemap; and mine production data management software from Corvus. However, software is only a small proportion of overall costs in the industry. Agents in mining demand solutions to peculiar problems and requirements. They are bound by their enormous scale; physical risks of environments, explosive and moving elements; need to negotiate constant change, as mining literally takes the ground from under itself; the need to incorporate geological patterns; and the importance of logistics. When digital media are the solution, there can be what is perceived as rapid gains, including greater capacities for surveillance and control. Digital media do not provide more force. Instead, they modulate the direction, speed and timing of activities. It is not a complete solution, because too many uncontrolled elements are at play. Instead, there are moment and situations when the degree of control refigures the work that can be done. Conclusions In this article I have proposed a new conception of media change, by reading digital innovations in mining practices themselves as media changes. This involved developing an initial reading of the operations of mining as digital media. With this approach, the array of media components extends far beyond the conventional ‘mass media’ of newspapers and television. It offers a more molecular media environment which is increasingly heterogeneous. It sometimes involves materiality on a huge scale, and is sometimes apparently virtual. The mining media event can be a semiotic, a signal, a material entity and so on. It can be a command to a human. It can be a measurement of location, a rock formation, a pressure or an explosion. The mining media event, as discussed above, is subject to Manovich’s principles of media, being numerical, variable and automated. In the mining media event, these principles move from the aesthetic to the instrumental and physical domains of the mine site. The role of new media operates at many levels — from the bottom of the mine site to the cruising altitude of the fly-in-fly out aeroplanes — has motivated significant changes in the Australian industry. When digital media and robotics come into play, they do not so much introduce change, but reintroduce similarity. This inversion of media is less about meaning, and more about local mastery. Media modulation extends the kinds of influence that can be exerted by the actors in control. In these situations, the degrees of control, and of resistance, are yet to be seen. Acknowledgments Thanks to Mining IQ for a researcher's pass at Mining Automation and Communication Conference, Perth in August 2012. References Bellamy, D., and L. 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Abstract:

Cute pictures of animals feature as an inoffensive and adorable background to the contemporary online experience with cute content regularly shared on social media platforms. Indeed the demand for cuteness is so strong in the current cultural milieu that some animals become recognisable animal celebrities in the process (Hepola). However, despite the existence of this professionalisation in some sections of the cute economy, amateurs produce the majority of cute content that circulates online. This is largely because one of the central contributors to this steady stream of cute animal pictures is the subforum Aww, hosted on the online community Reddit. Aww is wholly dedicated to pictures of cute things and allows users to directly submit cute content directly to the site. Aww is one of the default subforums that new Reddit users are automatically subscribed to and is immensely popular, featuring over 4.2 million dedicated subscribers as well as untold casual visits. The section is self-described as: “Things that make you go AWW! -- like puppies, and bunnies, and so on...Feel free to post pictures, videos and stories of cute things” ("The cutest things on the internet!"). Users upload cute animal photos that they have taken and wait for the Reddit community to vote on their favourite pictures. The voting mechanism helps users to acknowledge their favourite posts, with the most popular featured on the front page of Aww (for a detailed critique of this process see van der Nagel 2013). The user-generated model of the site means that instead of visitors being confronted with a formally curated selection of cute animal photos, Aww offers a constantly changing mixture of amateur, semi-pro and professional content. Aww - and Reddit more generally - stand as an emblematic example of participatory culture (Jenkins 2006), with users playing an active role in the production and curation of online content. However, given the commercial nature of many user-generated content sites, this amateur media activity is becoming increasingly subject to intellectual property claims and conflicts (see Burgess; Kennedy). Across the internet there are growing tensions between website operators and amateur producers. As Jenny Kennedy (132) notes, while these platforms promote a public rhetoric of “sharing”, these corporate narratives “downplay their economic power” and imply “that they do not control the practices contained within their sites”. Subsequently, the expectations of users regarding how content is managed and organised can differ substantially from the corporate goals of social media companies. This paper contributes to the growing body of literature interested in the politics of amateur media production (see Hunter and Lastowka; Benkler; Burgess; Kennedy) by exploring the emergence of attribution norms and informal enforcement measures in and around the Aww online community. In contrast to professional content creators, amateurs often have fewer resources on hand to protect their copyrighted work and are also challenged by a pervasive online rhetoric that suggests that popular content essentially “belongs to the Internet” (Douglas). A number of communities on Reddit have questioned the company’s handling of amateur content with users suggesting that Reddit actively seeks to de-contextualise original content and not attribute original creators. By examining how amateur creators and online communities regulate content online, I interrogate the power relations that exist between social media platforms and users and explore how the corporate rhetoric of participatory culture interacts with the legal framework of copyright law. This article also contributes to existing legal scholarship on communities of practice and norms-based intellectual property systems. This literature has explored how social norms effectively regulate the protection of, among other things, recipes (Fauchart and Von Hippel), fashion design (Raustiala and Sprigman) and stand-up comedy routines (Oliar and Sprigman), in situations where copyright law does not function as an effective regulatory mechanism. Often these norms are in line with copyright law protections, but in other cases they diverge from these legal principles. In this paper I suggest that particular sections of Reddit function in a similar way, with their own set of self-governing norms, and that these norms largely align with the philosophical aims of copyright law. The paper begins by outlining a series of recent debates that have occurred between amateur media creators and Reddit, before exploring how norms are regulated on Reddit subforums Aww and Karma Court. I then offer some brief conclusions on the value of paying attention to how social norms structure forms of “sharing” (see Kennedy) and provide a useful way for amateur media producers to protect their content without going through formal legal processes. Introducing Reddit and the Confused Politics of Amateur Content Reddit is a social news site, a vibrant community and one of the most popular websites online. It stands as the most visible iteration of a long-standing tradition of user-generated and managed news, one that goes back to websites like Slashdot, which operated in the mid to late-90s. Founded in 2005 Reddit was launched after only one funding round of venture capital, receiving $100k in seed funding from Y Combinatory (Miller). Despite some early rivalry between Reddit and competitor site Digg, Reddit had enough potential to be purchased by Condé Nast for an estimated $20 million (Carr). Reddit’s audience numbers have grown exponentially in the last few years, with the site currently receiving over 5 billion page views and 114 million unique visitors per month (“About Reddit”). It has also changed focus significantly in the last few years with the site now “as much about posting interesting or funny pictures as it is about news” (Sepponen). Reddit hosts a number of individual subforums (called subreddits), which focus on a particular topic and function essentially like online bulletin boards. The front-page of Reddit showcases the most popular content from across the whole website, and user-generated content features heavily here. Amateur media cannot spread without the structural support of social media platforms, but this support is qualified in particular ways. Reddit stands as a paradigmatic case. Users on Reddit are “incentivized to submit direct links to images, because viewers can get to them more easily” (Douglas) and the website encourages amateur creators to use a preferred content server – Imgur – to host images. The Imgur service provides a direct public link to an image – even bypassing the Reddit discussion page – and with its free hosting and limited ads it has become a popular service and is used by most Reddit users (Slater-Robins). For the majority of Reddit users this is an unproblematic partnership. Imgur is free, effective and fast. However, a vocal minority of Reddit users and amateur creators claim that the partnership between Reddit and Imgur has created the equivalent of an online ghetto (Douglas).As Nick Douglas explains, when using services like Imgur there is no requirement to either provide an external link to a creators website or to attribute the creator, limiting the ability for an amateur creator to gain exposure. It also bypasses existing revenue streams that may have been set up by creators, including ad-supported websites or online stores offering merchandise. As a result creators have little opportunity to benefit either economically or reputationally from this system. This occurs to such an extent that “there are actually warnings against submitting your own [original] work” to particular subforums on Reddit (Douglas). For example, some forum moderators require submissions to either “link directly to a specific image file or to a website with minimal ads” (“Reddit Pics”). It is in this context, that the posting of original content without attribution is not actively policed. There are a number of complaints circulating within the Reddit community about these practices (see “Ok, look people. I know you heart Imgur, but webcomics? Just link to the freaking site”; “The problem with reddit”). Many creators have directly protested against this aspect of Reddit’s structural organisation. Blogger Benjamin Grelle (a.k.a The Frogman) and writer Chris Menning are two notable examples. Grelle’s protest was witty and dramatic. He wrote a blog post featuring a picture of an email he sent to Imgur offering the company a choice: send him a huge novelty check for $10,000 or alternatively, add a proper attribution system that allows artists, photographers and content creators to properly credit their work. Grelle estimates that his work generated around $20,000 in ad revenue for Imgur; however the structure of Reddit and Imgur meant he earned little income from the “viral” success of his content. Grelle claimed he was happy for his work to be shared, but attribution meant that it was more likely a fan would follow the link to his website and provide him with some financial recompense for his work. Unsurprisingly, Grelle didn’t receive a paycheck and so in response has developed a unique way to gain exposure. He has started to insert himself into his work, “[s]o when you see a stolen Frogman piece, you still see Ben Grelle’s face” (Douglas). Chris Menning posted a blog about being banned from Reddit, hoping to bring to light some of the inequalities that persist around Reddit’s current structure. He began by noting that he had received a significant amount of traffic from them in the past. He had responded in kind by looking to create original content for particular subforums, knowing what a particular community would enjoy. However, his habit of providing the link to his own website along with the content he posted saw him get labelled as a spammer and banned by administrators. Menning chose not to fight the ban:It seems that the only way I could avoid [getting banned] is if I were to relinquish any rights to my original content and post it exclusively to Imgur. In effect, reddit punishes the creation of original content, and rewards content theft (Menning). Instead he decided to quit Reddit, claiming that Reddit’s approach would carry long-term consequences as the platform provided little incentive for creators to produce wholly original content. It is worth noting that neither Menning nor Grelle turned to legal avenues in order to gain financial restitution. Considering the nature of the practices they were complaining about, compensation in the form of an injunction or damages would have certainly been possible. In Benjamin’s case, a user had combined a number of his copyrighted works into one image and posted the image to Imgur without attribution --this infringed Grelle’s copyright in his work as well as his moral right to be attributed as the creator of the work. However, the public comments of both creators suggest that despite the possibility of legal success, their issue was not so much to do with their individual cases but rather the broader structural issues at play within Reddit. While they might gain individually from a successful legal challenge, over the long term Reddit would continue to be a fraught place for amateur and semi-professional content creators. Certain parts of the Reddit community appear to be sympathetic to these issues, and the complaints of dissenting users like Menning and Grelle have received active support from some users and moderators on the site. This has led to changes in the way content is being posted and managed on Aww, and has also driven the emergence of a satirical user-run court entitled Karma Court. In these spaces moderators and members establish community norms, regularly police the correct attribution of works and challenge the de-contextualisation of content overtly encouraged by Reddit, Imgur and other subforums. In the following section I will examine both Aww and Karma Court in order to explore how these norms are established and negotiated by both moderators and users alike. reddit.com/r/aww: The Online Hub of Cute Animal Pictures As we have seen, the design of Reddit and Imgur creates a number of problems for amateur creators who wish to protect their intellectual property. To address these shortcomings, the Aww community has created its own informal regulatory systems. Volunteer moderators play a crucial role: they establish informal codes of conduct for the Aww community and enforce various rules about how the site should be used. One of these rules relates to attribution. Users are asked to to “post original content whenever possible or attribute original content creators” ("The cutest things on the internet!"). Due to the volunteer nature of the work and the size of the Aww sub-reddit, moderator enforcement is haphazard. Consequently, responsibility falls on the wider user community to self-police. Despite its informal nature, this process manages to facilitate a fairly consistent standard of attribution. In this way it functions as an informal method of intellectual property protection. It is worth noting however that this commitment to original content is not solely due to the moral character of Aww users. A significant motivation is the distribution of karma points amongst Reddit users. Karma, which represents your good standing within the Reddit community, can be earned through user likes and votes – these push the most popular content to the front page of each subforum. Thus karma stands as a numerical representation of a user’s value to Reddit. This ostensibly democratic system has the paradoxical effect of fuelling intellectual property violations on the site. Users often repost other users’ jpegs, animated gifs, and other content, in order to reap the social and cultural capital that comes with posting a popular picture. In some cases they claim authorship of the content; in other cases they simply re-post content that they feel “belongs to the internet” (Douglas). Some content is so popular or pervasive online (this content that is often described as “viral”) that users feel there is little reason or need to attribute content. This helps to explain the persistence of ownership and attribution conflicts on Reddit. In the eyes of some users and moderators the management of these rights and the correct distribution of karma are seen to be vital to the long-term functioning of site. The karma system offers a numerical representation of each contributor’s value. Re-posting already successful content and claiming it as your own challenges the proper functioning of the karma system and potentially ‘inhibits the innovative potential of contributions (Richterich). On Aww the re-posting of original content is viewed as a taboo act that breaches these norms. The poster is seen to have engaged in deceptive conduct in order to gain karma for their user profile. In addition there is a strong ethic that runs through these comment threads that the original creator deserves attribution. There is a presumption that this attribution is vital in order to increasing the possible marketability of the posted content and to recognise and courage creators within the community. This sort of community-driven regulation contrasts with the aforementioned site design of Reddit and Imgur, which frustrates effective authorship attribution practices. Aww users, in contrast, have shown a willingness to defend what they see as the intellectual property rights of content creators.A series of recent examples outline how this process works in practice. User “moonlikeme123” posted a picture of a cat with its hands on the steering wheel of a car. The picture was entitled “we don’t need to ask for directions, Helen”. During the same day, three separate users had identified the picture as a repost, with one noting that the same picture was already on the front page of Aww. “moonlikeme123” received no karma points for the picture. In a second example, the user “nibblur” posted a photo of a kitten “hunting” a toy mouse. Within a day, one enterprising user had identified the original photographer – “torode”, an amateur photographer – and linked to his Reddit profile (see fig. 2) ("ferocious cat hunting its prey: aww."). One further example: on 15 July 2013 “Cuzacelmare” posted a picture of two dogs comforting each other – an image which had originally been posted by “lauface”. Again, users were quick to point out the lack of attribution and the attempt to claim someone else’s content as their own (“Comforting her sister during a storm: aww). It is worth noting that some Reddit users consider attributing content to be entirely without benefit. Some deride karma as “meaningless” and suggest that as a significant amount of content online is regularly reposted elsewhere, there is little harm done in re-posting what is essentially amateur content destined to be lost in the bowels of the internet. For example, the comments that follow Cuzacelmare’s reflect an ambivalence about reposting, suggesting that users weigh up the benefits of exposure gained by the re-posting against the lack of attribution granted and the increasingly decontextualized nature of the photo itself:Why does everyone get so bitchy about reposts. Not everyone is on ALL the time or has been on Rreddit since it was created. I mean if you've seen it already ignore it. It's just picture you aren't forced to click the link. [sic] (“Comforting her sister during a storm: aww”)We're arguing semantics, but any content that gets attention can benefit the creator, whether it's reddit or Youtube (“Comforting her sister during a storm: aww”) Such discussions are common on comment threads following re-posts by other users. They underline the conflicted status of this ephemeral media and the underlying frictions that are part of these processes. These discussions underline the fact that on Reddit the “sharing” (Kennedy) and “spreading” (Jenkins et al.) of content is not seen as an unquestioned positive but rather as a contestable structural feature that needs to be constantly negotiated and discussed. These informal methods of identification, post-hoc attribution and criticism in comment threads have been the long-standing method used to redress questions of attribution and ownership of content on Reddit. However in recent times, Reddit users have turned to satirical methods of formal adjudication for particularly egregious cases. A sub-reddit, Karma Court, now functions as an informal tribunal in which punishment is meted out for “the abuse of karma and general contemptible actions heretofore identified as wrongdoing” (“Constitution and F.A.Q of the Karma Court”). Due to its double function as both an adjudicator and satire of users overly-invested in online debates, there is no limit to the possible “crimes” a user may be charged with. The following charges are only presented as guidelines and speak to common negative experiences on online: (1). Douchebaggery - When one is being a douche.(2). Defamation - Tarnishing another redditor's [user’s] username.(3). Public Indecency - When a user flexes his or her 'e-peen' with the intent to shame other users.(4). Ohsh*t.exe - Intentional reposting that results in reddit Gold.(5). GrandTheft.jpg - Reposting while claiming credit for the post.(6). Obstruction of Justice - Impeding or interfering with an investigation, such as submitting false screenshots, deleting evidence, or providing false evidence to the court.(7). Other - Literally anything else you want. We like creative names for charges.(“Constitution and F.A.Q of the Karma Court”) In Karma Court, legal representation can be sourced from a list of attorneys and judges, populated by users who volunteer to help adjudicate the case. They are required to have been a Reddit member for over six months. The only punishment is a public shaming. Interestingly Karma Court has developed a fair reposting clause that attempts to manage the complex debates around reposting and attribution. Under the non-binding satirical clause, users are able to repost content if it has not featured on the front page of a sub-reddit for seven or more days, if the re-poster acknowledges in the title or description that they are re-posting or if the original poster has less than 30,000 link karma (which means that the original poster has not substantially contributed to the Reddit community). If a re-poster does not adhere by these rules and claims a re-post as their own original content (or “OC”), they can be charged with “grandtheft.jpg” and brought to trial by another Reddit user. As one of the most popular subforums, a number of cases have emerged from Aww. The aforementioned re-poster “Cuzacelmare” (“I am bringing /U/ Cuzacelmare to trial …”) was “charged” through this process and served with a summons after denying “cute and innocent animals of that subreddit of their much deserved karma”. Similar cases to do with re-posting without attribution on Aww involve “FreshCorio” (“Reddit vs. U/FreshCorio …”) and “ninjacollin” (“People of Reddit vs. /U/ ninjacollin”) who were also brought to karma court. In each case prosecutors were adamant that false authorship claims needed to be punished. With these mock trials run by volunteers it takes time for arguments to be heard and judgment to occur; however “ninjacollin” expedited the legal process by offering a full confession. As a new user, “ninjacollin” was reprimanded severely for his actions and the users on Karma Court underlined the consequences of not identifying original content creators when re-posting content. Ownership and Attribution: Amateur Media, Distribution and Law The practices outlined above offer a number of alternate ways to think about amateur media and how it is distributed. An increasingly complex picture of content attribution and circulation emerges once we take into account the structural operation of Reddit, the intellectual property norms of users, and the various formal and informal systems of regulation that are appearing on the site. Such practices require users to negotiate complex questions of ownership between each other and in relation to corporate bodies. These negotiations often lead to informal agreements around a set of norms to regulate the spread of content within a particular community, suggesting that the lack of a formal legal process in these debates does not mean that there is an absence of regulation. As noted throughout this paper, the spread of online content often involves progressive de-contextualisation. Website design features often support this process in the hopes of encouraging content to spread in a fashion amenable to their corporate goals. Considering this tendency for content to be decontextualized online, the presence of attribution norms on subforums like Aww is significant. Instead of remixing, spreading and re-purposing content indiscriminately, users retain a concept of ownership and attribution that tracks closely to the basic principles of copyright law. Rather than users radically redefining concepts of attribution and ownership, as prefigured in some of the more utopian accounts of participatory media, the dominant norms of the Reddit community extend a discourse of copyright and ownership. As well as providing a greater level of detail to contemporary debates around amateur media and its viral or spreadable nature (Burgess; Jenkins; Jenkins et al), this analysis offers some lessons for copyright law. The emergence of norms in particular Reddit subforums which govern the use of copyrighted content and the use of a mock court structure suggests that online communities have the capacity to engage in forms of redress for amateur creators. These organic forms of copyright management operate adjacent to formal legal structures of copyright law. However, they are more accessible and practical for amateur creators, who do not always have the money to hire lawyers, especially when the market value of their content might be negligible. The informal regulatory systems outlined above may not operate perfectly but they reveal communities who are willing to engage foundational conversations around the importance of attribution and ownership. Following the existing literature (Fauchart and Von Hippel; Raustiala and Sprigman; Schultz; Oliar and Sprigman), I suggest that these online social norms provide a useful form of alternative protection for amateur creators. Acknowledgements Thanks to Ramon Lobato and Emily van der Nagel for comments and productive discussions around these issues. I am also grateful to the two anonymous peer reviewers for their assistance in developing this argument. References “About Reddit.” Reddit, 2014. 29 Apr. 2014 ‹http://www.reddit.com/about/›. Benkler, Yochai. The Wealth of Networks: How Social Production Transforms Markets and Freedom. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2006. Burgess, Jean. “YouTube and the Formalisation of Amateur Media.” Amateur Media: Social, Cultural and Legal Perspectives. In Dan Hunter, Ramon Lobato, Megan Richardson, and Julian Thomas, eds. Oxford: Routledge, 2012. Carr, Nicholas. “Left Alone by Its Owner, Reddit Soars.” The New York Times: Business, 2 Sep. 2012. “Comforting Her Sister during a Storm: aww.” reddit: the front page of the internet, 15 July 2013. “Constitution and F.A.Q of the Karma Court.” reddit: the front page of the internet, 2014. Douglas, Nick. “Everything on the Internet Gets Stolen: Here’s How You Should Feel about That.” Slacktory, 8 Sep. 2009. Fauchart, Emmanual, and Eric von Hippel. “Norms-Based Intellectual Property Systems: The Case of French Chefs.” Organization Science 19.2 (2008): 187 - 201 "Ferocious Cat Hunting Its Prey: aww." reddit: the front page of the internet, 4 April 2013. 29 Apr. 2014 ‹http://www.rreddit.com/r/aww/comments/1bobcp/ferocious_cat_hunting_its_prey/›. Hepola, Sarah. “The Internet is Made of Kittens.” Salon.com, 11 Feb. 2009. 29 Apr. 2014 ‹http://www.salon.com/2009/02/10/cat_internet/›. Hunter, Dan, and Greg Lastowka. “Amateur-to-Amateur.” William & Mary Law Review 46 (2004): 951 - 1030. “I Am Bringing /U/ Cuzacelmare to Trial on the Basis of Being One of the Biggest _______ I’ve Ever Seen, by Reposting Cute Animal Pictures to /R/Awww. Feels.Jpg.” reddit: the front page of the internet, 21 March 2013. Jenkins, Henry. Convergence Culture: Where Old and New Media Collide. New York: New York University Press, 2006. Jenkins, Henry, Sam Ford, and Joshua Green. Spreadable Media: Creating Value and Meaning in a Networked Culture. New York: New York University Press, 2013. Menning, Chris. "So I Got Banned from Reddit" Modern Primate, 23 Aug. 2012. Miller, Keery. “How Y Combinator Helped Shape Reddit.” Bloomberg Businessweek, 26 Sep. 2007. 29 Apr. 2014 ‹http://www.businessweek.com/stories/2007-09-26/how-y-combinator-helped-shape-redditbusinessweek-business-news-stock-market-and-financial-advice›. “Ok, Look People. I Know You Heart Imgur, But Webcomics? Just Link to the Freaking Site.” reddit: the front page of the internet, 22 Aug. 2011. Oliar, Dotan, and Christopher Sprigman. “There’s No Free Laugh (Anymore): The Emergence of Intellectual Property Norms and the Transformation of Stand-Up Comedy.” Virginia Law Review 94.8 (2009): 1787 – 1867. “People of reddit vs. /U/Ninjacollin for Grandtheft.jpg.” reddit: the front page of the internet, 30 Jan. 2013. Raustiala, Kal, and Christopher Sprigman. “The Piracy Paradox: Innovation and Intellectual Property in Fashion Design”. Virginia Law Review 92.8 (2006): 1687-1777. “Reddit v. U/FreshCorio. User Uploads Popular Repost Picture of R/AWW and Claims It Is His Sister’s Cat. Falsely Claims It Is His Cakeday for Good Measure.” reddit: the front page of the internet, 12 Apr. 2013. 29 Apr. 2014 ‹http://www.reddit.com/r/KarmaCourt/comments/1c7vxz/reddit_vs_ufreshcorio_user_uploads_popular_repost/›. “Reddit Pics.” reddit: the front page of the internet, 2014. 29 Apr. 2014 ‹http://www.reddit.com/r/pics/›. Richterich, Annika. “’Karma, Precious Karma!’ Karmawhoring on Reddit and the Front Page’s Econometrisation.” Journal of Peer Production 4 (2014). 29 Apr. 2014 ‹http://peerproduction.net/issues/issue-4-value-and-currency/peer-reviewed-articles/karma-precious-karma/›. Schultz, Mark. “Fear and Norms and Rock & Roll: What Jambands Can Teach Us about Persuading People to Obey Copyright Law.” Berkley Technology Law Journal 21.2 (2006): 651 – 728. Sepponen, Bemmu. “Why Redditors Gave Imgur a Chance.” Social Media Today, 20 July 2011. Slater-Robins, Max. “From Rags to Riches: The Story of Imgur.” Neowin, 21 Apr. 2013. "The Cutest Things on the Internet!" reddit: the front page of the internet, n.d. “The Problem with reddit.” reddit: the front page of the internet, 23 Aug. 2012. 29 Apr. 2014 ‹http://www.rreddit.com/r/technology/comments/ypbe2/the_problem_with_rreddit/›. Van der Nagel, Emily. “Faceless Bodies: Negotiating Technological and Cultural Codes on reddit gonewild.” Scan: Journal of Media Arts Culture 10.2 (2013). "We Don’t Need to Ask for Directions, Helen: aww." reddit: the front page of the internet, 30 June 2013. 29 Apr. 2014 ‹http://www.rreddit.com/r/aww/comments/1heut6/we_dont_need_to_ask_for_directions_helen/›.

Abstract:

This article explores how fat women protesting challenges norms of womanhood, the place of women in society, and who has the power to have their say in public spaces. We use the term fat as a political reclamation; Fat Studies scholars and fat activists prefer the term fat, over the normative term “overweight” and the pathologising term “obese/obesity” (Lee and Pausé para 3). Who is and who isn’t fat, we suggest, is best left to self-determination, although it is generally accepted by fat activists that the term is most appropriately adopted by individuals who are unable to buy clothes in any store they choose. Using a tweet from conservative commentator Ann Coulter as a leaping-off point, we examine the narratives around women in the public sphere and explore how fat bodies might transgress further the norms set by society. The public representations of women in politics and protest are then are set in the context of ‘activist wisdom’ (Maddison and Scalmer) from two sides of the globe. Activist wisdom gives preference to the lived knowledge and experience of activists as tools to understand social movements. It seeks to draw theoretical implications from the practical actions of those on the ground. In centring the experiences of ourselves and other activists, we hope to expand existing understandings of body politics, gender, and political power in this piece. It is important in researching social movements to look both at the representations of protest and protestors in all forms of media as this is the ‘public face’ of movements, but also to examine the reflections of the individuals who collectively put their weight behind bringing social change.A few days after the 45th President of the United States was elected, people around the world spilled into the streets and participated in protests; precursors to the Women’s March which would take place the following January. Pictures of such marches were shared via social media, demonstrating the worldwide protest against the racism, misogyny, and overall oppressiveness, of the newly elected leader. Not everyone was supportive of these protests though; one such conservative commentator, Ann Coulter, shared this tweet: Image1: A tweet from Ann Coulter; the tweet contains a picture of a group of protestors, holding signs protesting Trump, white supremacy, and for the rights of immigrants. In front of the group, holding a megaphone is a woman. Below the picture, the text reads, “Without fat girls, there would be no protests”.Coulter continued on with two more tweets, sharing pictures of other girls protesting and suggesting that the protestors needed a diet programme. Kivan Bay (“Without Fat Girls”) suggested that perhaps Coulter was implying that skinny girls do not have time to protest because they are too busy doing skinny girl things, like buying jackets or trying on sweaters. Or perhaps Coulter was arguing that fat girls are too visible, too loud, and too big, to be taken seriously in their protests. These tweets provide a point of illustration for how fat women protesting challenge norms of womanhood, the place of women in society, and who has the power to have their say in public spaces While Coulter’s tweet was most likely intended as a hostile personal attack on political grounds, we find it useful in its foregrounding of gender, bodies and protest which we consider in this article, beginning with a review of fat girls’ role in social justice movements.Across the world, we can point to fat women who engage in activism related to body politics and more. Australian fat filmmaker and activist Kelli Jean Drinkwater makes documentaries, such as Aquaporko! and Nothing to Lose, that queer fat embodiment and confronts body norms. Newly elected Ontario MPP Jill Andrew has been fighting for equal rights for queer people and fat people in Canada for decades. Nigerian Latasha Ngwube founded About That Curvy Life, Africa’s leading body positive and empowerment site, and has organised plus-size fashion show events at Heineken Lagos Fashion and Design Week in Nigeria in 2016 and the Glitz Africa Fashion Week in Ghana in 2017. Fat women have been putting their bodies on the line for the rights of others to live, work, and love. American Heather Heyer was protesting the hate that white nationalists represent and the danger they posed to her friends, family, and neighbours when she died at a rally in Charlottesville, North Carolina in late 2017 (Caron). When Heyer was killed by one of those white nationalists, they declared that she was fat, and therefore her body size was lauded loudly as justification for her death (Bay, “How Nazis Use”; Spangler).Fat women protesting is not new. For example, the Fat Underground was a group of “radical fat feminist women”, who split off from the more conservative NAAFA (National Association to Aid Fat Americans) in the 1970s (Simic 18). The group educated the public about weight science, harassed weight-loss companies, and disrupted academic seminars on obesity. The Fat Underground made their first public appearance at a Women’s Equality Day in Los Angeles, taking over the stage at the public event to accuse the medical profession of murdering Cass Elliot, the lead singer of the folk music group, The Mamas and the Papas (Dean and Buss). In 1973, the Fat Underground produced the Fat Liberation Manifesto. This Manifesto began by declaring that they believed “that fat people are full entitled to human respect and recognition” (Freespirit and Aldebaran 341).Women have long been disavowed, or discouraged, from participating in the public sphere (Ginzberg; van Acker) or seen as “intruders or outsiders to the tough world of politics” (van Acker 118). The feminist slogan the personal is political was intended to shed light on the role that women needed to play in the public spheres of education, employment, and government (Caha 22). Across the world, the acceptance of women within the public sphere has been varied due to cultural, political, and religious, preferences and restrictions (Agenda Feminist Media Collective). Limited acceptance of women in the public sphere has historically been granted by those ‘anointed’ by a male family member or patron (Fountaine 47).Anti-feminists are quick to disavow women being in public spaces, preferring to assign them the role as helpmeet to male political elite. As Schlafly (in Rowland 30) notes: “A Positive Woman cannot defeat a man in a wrestling or boxing match, but she can motivate him, inspire him, encourage him, teach him, restrain him, reward him, and have power over him that he can never achieve over her with all his muscle.” This idea of women working behind the scenes has been very strong in New Zealand where the ‘sternly worded’ letter is favoured over street protest. An acceptable route for women’s activism was working within existing political institutions (Grey), with activity being ‘hidden’ inside government offices such as the Ministry of Women’s Affairs (Schuster, 23). But women’s movement organisations that engage in even the mildest form of disruptive protest are decried (Grey; van Acker).One way women have been accepted into public space is as the moral guardians or change agents of the entire political realm (Bliss; Ginzberg; van Acker; Ledwith). From the early suffrage movements both political actors and media representations highlighted women were more principled and conciliatory than men, and in many cases had a moral compass based on restraint. Cartoons showed women in the suffrage movement ‘sweeping up’ and ‘cleaning house’ (Sheppard 123). Groups like the Women’s Christian Temperance Union were celebrated for protesting against the demon drink and anti-p*rnography campaigners like Patricia Bartlett were seen as acceptable voices of moral reason (Moynihan). And as Cunnison and Stageman (in Ledwith 193) note, women bring a “culture of femininity to trade unions … an alternative culture, derived from the particularity of their lives as women and experiences of caring and subordination”. This role of moral guardian often derived from women as ‘mothers’, responsible for the physical and moral well-being of the nation.The body itself has been a sight of protest for women including fights for bodily autonomy in their medical decisions, reproductive justice, and to live lives free from physical and sexual abuse, have long been met with criticisms of being unladylike or inappropriate. Early examples decried in NZ include the women’s clothing movement which formed part of the suffrage movement. In the second half of the 20th century it was the freedom trash can protests that started the myth of ‘women burning their bras’ which defied acceptable feminine norms (Sawer and Grey). Recent examples of women protesting for body rights include #MeToo and Time’s Up. Both movements protest the lack of bodily autonomy women can assert when men believe they are entitled to women’s bodies for their entertainment, enjoyment, and pleasure. And both movements have received considerable backlash by those who suggest it is a witch hunt that might ensnare otherwise innocent men, or those who are worried that the real victims are white men who are being left behind (see Garber; Haussegger). Women who advocate for bodily autonomy, including access to contraception and abortion, are often held up as morally irresponsible. As Archdeacon Bullock (cited in Smyth 55) asserted, “A woman should pay for her fun.”Many individuals believe that the stigma and discrimination fat people face are the consequences they sow from their own behaviours (Crandall 892); that fat people are fat because they have made poor decisions, being too indulgent with food and too lazy to exercise (Crandall 883). Therefore, fat people, like women, should have to pay for their fun. Fat women find themselves at this intersection, and are often judged more harshly for their weight than fat men (Tiggemann and Rothblum). Examining Coulter’s tweet with this perspective in mind, it can easily be read as an attempt to put fat girl protestors back into their place. It can also be read as a warning. Don’t go making too much noise or you may be labelled as fat. Presenting troublesome women as fat has a long history within political art and depictions. Marianne (the symbol of the French Republic) was depicted as fat and ugly; she also reinforced an anti-suffragist position (Chenut 441). These images are effective because of our societal views on fatness (Kyrölä). Fatness is undesirable, unworthy of love and attention, and a representation of poor character, lack of willpower, and an absence of discipline (Murray 14; Pausé, “Rebel Heart” para 1).Fat women who protest transgress rules around body size, gender norms, and the appropriate place for women in society. Take as an example the experiences of one of the authors of this piece, Sandra Grey, who was thrust in to political limelight nationally with the Campaign for MMP (Grey and Fitzsimmons) and when elected as the President of the New Zealand Tertiary Education Union in 2011. Sandra is a trade union activist who breaches too many norms set for the “good woman protestor,” as well as the norms for being a “good fat woman”. She looms large on a stage – literally – and holds enough power in public protest to make a crowd of 7,000 people “jump to left”, chant, sing, and march. In response, some perceive Sandra less as a tactical and strategic leader of the union movement, and more as the “jolly fat woman” who entertains, MCs, and leads public events. Though even in this role, she has been criticised for being too loud, too much, too big.These criticisms are loudest when Sandra is alongside other fat female bodies. When posting on social media photos with fellow trade union members the comments often note the need of the group to “go on a diet”. The collective fatness also brings comments about “not wanting to f*ck any of that group of fat cows”. There is something politically and socially dangerous about fat women en masse. This was behind the responses to Sandra’s first public appearance as the President of TEU when one of the male union members remarked “Clearly you have to be a fat dyke to run this union.” The four top elected and appointed positions in the TEU have been women for eight years now and both their fatness and perceived sexuality present as a threat in a once male-dominated space. Even when not numerically dominant, unions are public spaces dominated by a “masculine culture … underpinned by the undervaluation of ‘women’s worth’ and notions of womanhood ‘defined in domesticity’” (co*ckburn in Kirton 273-4). Sandra’s experiences in public space show that the derision and methods of putting fat girls back in their place varies dependent on whether the challenge to power is posed by a single fat body with positional power and a group of fat bodies with collective power.Fat Girls Are the FutureOn the other side of the world, Tara Vilhjálmsdóttir is protesting to change the law in Iceland. Tara believes that fat people should be protected against discrimination in public and private settings. Using social media such as Facebook and Instagram, Tara takes her message, and her activism, to her thousands of followers (Keller, 434; Pausé, “Rebel Heart”). And through mainstream media, she pushes back on fatphobia rhetoric and applies pressure on the government to classify weight as a protected status under the law.After a lifetime of living “under the oppression of diet culture,” Tara began her activism in 2010 (Vilhjálmsdóttir). She had suffered real harm from diet culture, developing an eating disorder as a teen and being told through her treatment for it that her fears as a fat woman – that she had no future, that fat people experienced discrimination and stigma – were unfounded. But Tara’s lived experiences demonstrated fat stigma and discrimination were real.In 2012, she co-founded the Icelandic Association for Body Respect, which promotes body positivity and fights weight stigma in Iceland. The group uses a mixture of real life and online tools; organising petitions, running campaigns against the Icelandic version of The Biggest Loser, and campaigning for weight to be a protected class in the Icelandic constitution. The Association has increased the visibility of the dangers of diet culture and the harm of fat stigma. They laid the groundwork that led to changing the human rights policy for the city of Reykjavík; fat people cannot be discriminated against in employment settings within government jobs. As the city is one of the largest employers in the country, this was a large step forward for fat rights.Tara does receive her fair share of hate messages; she’s shared that she’s amazed at the lengths people will go to misunderstand what she is saying (Vilhjálmsdóttir). “This isn’t about hurt feelings; I’m not insulted [by fat stigma]. It’s about [fat stigma] affecting the livelihood of fat people and the structural discrimination they face” (Vilhjálmsdóttir). She collects the hateful comments she receives online through screenshots and shares them in an album on her page. She believes it is important to keep a repository to demonstrate to others that the hatred towards fat people is real. But the hate she receives only fuels her work more. As does the encouragement she receives from people, both in Iceland and abroad. And she is not alone; fat activists across the world are using Web 2.0 tools to change the conversation around fatness and demand civil rights for fat people (Pausé, “Rebel Heart”; Pausé, “Live to Tell").Using Web 2.0 tools as a way to protest and engage in activism is an example of oppositional technologics; a “political praxis of resistance being woven into low-tech, amateur, hybrid, alternative subcultural feminist networks” (Garrison 151). Fat activists use social media to engage in anti-assimilationist activism and build communities of practice online in ways that would not be possible in real life (Pausé, “Express Yourself” 1). This is especially useful for those whose protests sit at the intersections of oppressions (Keller 435; Pausé, “Rebel Heart” para 19). Online protests have the ability to travel the globe quickly, providing opportunities for connections between protests and spreading protests across the globe, such as slu*tWalks in 2011-2012 (Schuster 19). And online spaces open up unlimited venues for women to participate more freely in protest than other forms (Harris 479; Schuster 16; Garrison 162).Whether online or offline, women are represented as dangerous in the political sphere when they act without male champions breaching norms of femininity, when their involvement challenges the role of woman as moral guardians, and when they make the body the site of protest. Women must ‘do politics’ politely, with utmost control, and of course caringly; that is they must play their ‘designated roles’. Whether or not you fit the gendered norms of political life affects how your protest is perceived through the media (van Acker). Coulter’s tweet loudly proclaimed that the fat ‘girls’ protesting the election of the 45th President of the United States were unworthy, out of control, and not worthy of attention (ironic, then, as her tweet caused considerable conversation about protest, fatness, and the reasons not to like the President-Elect). What the Coulter tweet demonstrates is that fat women are perceived as doubly-problematic in public space, both as fat and as women. They do not do politics in a way that is befitting womanhood – they are too visible and loud; they are not moral guardians of conservative values; and, their bodies challenge masculine power.ReferencesAgenda Feminist Media Collective. “Women in Society: Public Debate.” Agenda: Empowering Women for Gender Equity 10 (1991): 31-44.Bay, Kivan. “How Nazis Use Fat to Excuse Violence.” Medium, 7 Feb. 2018. 1 May 2018 <https://medium.com/@kivabay/how-nazis-use-fat-to-excuse-violence-b7da7d18fea8>.———. “Without Fat Girls, There Would Be No Protests.” Bullsh*t.ist, 13 Nov. 2016. 16 May 2018 <https://bullsh*t.ist/without-fat-girls-there-would-be-no-protests-e66690de539a>.Bliss, Katherine Elaine. Compromised Positions: Prostitution, Public Health, and Gender Politics in Revolutionary Mexico City. Penn State Press, 2010.Caha, Omer. 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Palmerston North, NZ: Massey University, 2002.Freespirit, Judy, and Aldebaran. “Fat Liberation Manifesto November 1973.” The Fat Studies Reader. Eds. Esther Rothblum and Sondra Solovay. New York: NYU P, 2009. 341-342.Garber, Megan. “The Selective Empathy of #MeToo Backlash.” The Atlantic, 11 Feb 2018. 5 Apr. 2018 <https://www.theatlantic.com/entertainment/archive/2018/02/the-selective-empathy-of-metoo-backlash/553022/>.Garrison, Edith. “US Feminism – Grrrl Style! Youth (Sub)Cultures and the Technologics of the Third Wave.” Feminist Studies 26.1 (2000): 141-170.Garvey, Nicola. “Violence against Women: Beyond Gender Neutrality.” Looking Back, Moving Forward: The Janus Women’s Convention 2005. Ed. Dale Spender. Masterton: Janus Trust, 2005. 114-120.Ginzberg, Lori D. Women and the Work of Benevolence: Morality, Politics, and Class in the Nineteenth-Century United States. Yale UP, 1992.Grey, Sandra. “Women, Politics, and Protest: Rethinking Women's Liberation Activism in New Zealand.” Rethinking Women and Politics: New Zealand and Comparative Perspectives. Eds. John Leslie, Elizabeth McLeay, and Kate McMillan. Victoria UP, 2009. 34-61.———, and Matthew Fitzsimons. “Defending Democracy: ‘Keep MMP’ and the 2011 Electoral Referendum.” Kicking the Tyres: The New Zealand General Election and Electoral Referendum of 2011. Eds. Jon Johansson and Stephen Levine. Victoria UP, 2012. 285-304.———, and Marian Sawer, eds. Women’s Movements: Flourishing or in Abeyance? London: Routledge, 2008.Harris, Anita. “Mind the Gap: Attitudes and Emergent Feminist Politics since the Third Wave.” Australian Feminist Studies 25.66 (2010): 475-484.Haussegger, Virginia. “#MeToo: Beware the Brewing Whiff of Backlash.” Sydney Morning Herald, 7 Mar. 2018. 1 Apr. 2018 <https://www.smh.com.au/national/metoo-beware-the-brewing-whiff-of-backlash-20180306-p4z33s.html>.Keller, Jessalynn. “Virtual Feminisms.” Information, Communication and Society 15.3(2011): 429-447.Kirston, Gill. “From ‘a Woman’s Place Is in Her Union’ to ‘Strong Unions Need Women’: Changing Gender Discourses, Policies and Realities in the Union Movement.” Labour & Industry: A Journal of the Social and Economic Relations of Work 27.4 (2017): 270-283.Kyrölä, Katariina. The Weight of Images. London: Routledge, 2014.Ledwith, Sue. “Gender Politics in Trade Unions: The Representation of Women between Exclusion and Inclusion.” European Review of Labour and Research 18.2 (2012): 185-199.Lyndsey, Susan. Women, Politics, and the Media: The 1999 New Zealand General Election. Dissertation. Massey University, 2002.Maddison, Sarah, and Sean Scalmer. Activist Wisdom: Practical Knowledge and Creative Tension in Social Movements. Sydney: UNSW P, 2006. Moynihan, Carolyn. A Stand for Decency: Patricia Bartlett & the Society for Promotion of Community Standards, 1970-1995. Wellington: The Society, 1995.Murray, Samantha. "Pathologizing 'Fatness': Medical Authority and Popular Culture." Sociology of Sport Journal 25.1 (2008): 7-21.Pausé, Cat. “Live to Tell: Coming Out as Fat.” Somatechnics 21 (2012): 42-56.———. “Express Yourself: Fat Activism in the Web 2.0 Age.” The Politics of Size: Perspectives from the Fat-Acceptance Movement. Ed. Ragen Chastain. Praeger, 2015. 1-8.———. “Rebel Heart: Performing Fatness Wrong Online.” M/C Journal 18.3 (2015).Rowland, Robyn, ed. Women Who Do and Women Who Don’t Join the Women’s Movement. London: Routledge, 1984.Schuster, Julia. “Invisible Feminists? Social Media and Young Women’s Political Participation.” Political Science 65.1 (2013): 8-24.Sheppard, Alice. "Suffrage Art and Feminism." Hypatia 5.2 (1990): 122-136.Simic, Zora. “Fat as a Feminist Issue: A History.” Fat Sex: New Directions in Theory and Activism. Eds. Helen Hester and Caroline Walters. London: Ashgate, 2015. 15-36.Spangler, Todd. “White-Supremacist Site Daily Stormer Booted by Hosting Provider.” Variety, 13 Aug. 2017. 1 May 2018 <https://variety.com/2017/digital/news/daily-stormer-heather-heyer-white-supremacist-neo-nazi-hosting-provider-1202526544/>.Smyth, Helen. Rocking the Cradle: Contraception, Sex, and Politics in New Zealand. Steele Roberts, 2000.Tiggemann, Marika, and Esther D. Rothblum. "Gender Differences in Social Consequences of Perceived Overweight in the United States and Australia." Sex Roles 18.1-2 (1988): 75-86.Van Acker, Elizabeth. “Media Representations of Women Politicians in Australia and New Zealand: High Expectations, Hostility or Stardom.” Policy and Society 22.1 (2003): 116-136.Vilhjálmsdóttir, Tara. Personal interview. 1 June 2018.

Abstract:

IntroductionThis paper argues that the industrial contexts of re-imagining, or transforming, literary icons deploy the promotional strategies that are associated with what are usually seen as lesser, or purely commercial, genres. Promotional paratexts (Genette Paratexts; Gray; Hills) reveal transformations of content that position audiences to receive them as creative innovations, superior in many senses to their literary precursors due to the distinctive expertise of creative professionals. This interpretation leverages Matt Hills’ argument that certain kinds of “quality” screened drama are discursively framed as possessing the cultural capital associated with auterist cinema, despite their participation in the marketing logics of media franchising (Johnson). Adaptation theorist Linda Hutcheon proposes that when audiences receive literary adaptations, their pleasure inheres in a mixture of “repetition and difference”, “familiarity and novelty” (114). The difference can take many forms, but may be framed as guaranteed by the “distinction”, or—in Bourdieu’s terms—the cultural capital, of talented individuals and companies. Gerard Genette (Palimpsests) argued that “proximations” or updatings of classic literature involve acknowledging historical shifts in ideological norms as well as aesthetic techniques and tastes. When literary brands are made over using different media, there are economic lures to participation in currently fashionable technologies, as well as current political values. Linda Hutcheon also underlines the pragmatic constraints on the re-imagining of literary brands. “Expensive collaborative art forms” (87) such as films and large stage productions look for safe bets, seeking properties that have the potential to increase the audience for their franchise. Thus the marketplace influences both production and the experience of audiences. While this paper does not attempt a thoroughgoing analysis of audience reception appropriate to a fan studies approach, it borrows concepts from Matt Hills’s theorisation of marketing communication associated with screen “makeovers”. It shows that literary fiction and cinematic texts associated with celebrated authors or auteurist producer-directors share branding discourses characteristic of contemporary consumer culture. Strategies include marketing “reveals” of transformed content (Hills 319). Transformed content is presented not only as demonstrating originality and novelty; these promotional paratexts also perform displays of cultural capital on the part of production teams or of auteurist creatives (321). Case Study 1: Steven Spielberg, The Adventures of Tintin (2011) The Adventures of Tintin: The Secret of the Unicorn is itself an adaptation of a literary brand that reimagines earlier transmedia genres. According to Spielberg’s biographer, the Tintin series of bandes dessinée (comics or graphic novels) by Belgian artist Hergé (Georges Remi), has affinities with “boys’ adventure yarns” referencing and paying homage to the “silent filmmaking and the movie serials of the 1930s and ‘40s” (McBride 530). The three comics adapted by Spielberg belong to the more escapist and less “political” phase of Hergé’s career (531). As a fast-paced action movie, building to a dramatic and spectacular closure, the major plot lines of Spielberg’s film centre on Tintin’s search for clues to the secret of a model ship he buys at a street market. Teaming up with an alcoholic sea captain, Tintin solves the mystery while bullying Captain Haddock into regaining his sobriety, his family seat, and his eagerness to partner in further heroic adventures. Spielberg’s industry stature allowed him the autonomy to combine the commercial motivations of contemporary “tentpole” cinema adaptations with aspirations towards personal reputation as an auteurist director. Many of the promotional paratexts associated with the film stress the aesthetic distinction of the director’s practice alongside the blockbuster spectacle of an action film. Reinventing the Literary Brand as FranchiseComic books constitute the “mother lode of franchises” (Balio 26) in a industry that has become increasingly global and risk-adverse (see also Burke). The fan base for comic book movies is substantial and studios pre-promote their investments at events such as the four-day Comic-Con festival held annually in San Diego (Balio 26). Described as “tentpole” films, these adaptations—often of superhero genres—are considered conservative investments by the Hollywood studios because they “constitute media events; […] lend themselves to promotional tie-ins”; are “easy sells in world markets and […] have the ability to spin off sequels to create a franchise” (Balio 26). However, Spielberg chose to adapt a brand little known in the primary market (the US), thus lacking the huge fan-based to which pre-release promotional paratexts might normally be targeted. While this might seem a risky undertaking, it does reflect “changed industry realities” that seek to leverage important international markets (McBride 531). As a producer Spielberg pursued his own strategies to minimise economic risk while allowing him creative choices. This facilitated the pursuit of professional reputation alongside commercial success. The dual release of both War Horse and Tintin exemplify the director-producer’s career practice of bracketing an “entertainment” film with a “more serious work” (McBride 530). The Adventures of Tintin was promoted largely as technical tour de force and spectacle. Conversely War Horse—also adapted from a children’s text—was conceived as a heritage/nostalgia film, marked with the attention to period detail and lyric cinematography of what Matt Hills describes as “aestheticized fiction”. Nevertheless, promotional paratexts stress the discourse of auteurist transformation even in the case of the designedly more commercial Tintin film, as I discuss further below. These pre-release promotions emphasise Spielberg’s “painterly” directorial hand, as well as the professional partnership with Peter Jackson that enabled cutting edge innovation in animation. As McBride explains, the “dual release of the two films in the US was an unusual marketing move” seemingly designed to “showcase Spielberg’s artistic versatility” (McBride 530).Promotional Paratexts and Pre-Recruitment of FansAs Jonathan Gray and Jason Mittell have explained, marketing paratexts predate screen adaptations (Gray; Mittell). As part of the commercial logic of franchise development, selective release of information about a literary brand’s transformation are designed to bring fans of the “original,” or of genre communities such as fantasy or comics audiences, on board with the adaptation. Analysing Steven Moffat’s revelations about the process of adapting and creating a modern TV series from Conan Doyle’s canon (Sherlock), Matt Hills draws attention to the focus on the literary, rather than the many screen reinventions. Moffat’s focus on his childhood passion for the Holmes stories thus grounds the team’s adaptation in a period prior to any “knowledge of rival adaptations […] and any detailed awareness of canon” (326). Spielberg (unlike Jackson) denied any such childhood affective investment, claiming to have been unaware of the similarities between Raiders of the Lost Ark (1981) and the Tintin series until alerted by a French reviewer of Raiders (McBride 530). In discussing the paradoxical fidelity of his and Jackson’s reimagining of Tintin, Spielberg performed homage to the literary brand while emphasising the aesthetic limitations within the canon of prior adaptations:‘We want Tintin’s adventures to have the reality of a live-action film’, Spielberg explained during preproduction, ‘and yet Peter and I felt that shooting them in a traditional live-action format would simply not honor the distinctive look of the characters and world that Hergé created. Hergé’s characters have been reborn as living beings, expressing emotion and a soul that goes far beyond anything we’ve been able to create with computer-animated characters.’ (McBride 531)In these “reveals”, the discourse positions Spielberg and Jackson as both fans and auteurs, demonstrating affective investment in Hergé’s concepts and world-building while displaying the ingenuity of the partners as cinematic innovators.The Branded Reveal of Transformed ContentAccording to Hills, “quality TV drama” no less than “makeover TV,” is subject to branding practices such as the “reveal” of innovations attributed to creative professionals. Marketing paratexts discursively frame the “professional and creative distinction” of the teams that share and expand the narrative universe of the show’s screen or literary precursors (319–20). Distinction here refers to the cultural capital of the creative teams, as well as to the essential differences between what adaptation theorists refer to as the “hypotext” (source/original) and “hypertext” (adaptation) (Genette Paratexts; Hutcheon). The adaptation’s individualism is fore-grounded, as are the rights of creative teams to inherit, transform, and add richness to the textual universe of the precursor texts. Spielberg denied the “anxiety of influence” (Bloom) linking Tintin and Raiders, though he is reported to have enthusiastically acknowledged the similarities once alerted to them. Nevertheless, Spielberg first optioned Hergé’s series only two years later (1983). Paratexts “reveal” Hergé’s passing of the mantle from author to director, quoting his: “ ‘Yes, I think this guy can make this film. Of course it will not be my Tintin, but it can be a great Tintin’” (McBride 531).Promotional reveals in preproduction show both Spielberg and Jackson performing mutually admiring displays of distinction. Much of this is focused on the choice of motion capture animation, involving attachment of motion sensors to an actor’s body during performance, permitting mapping of realistic motion onto the animated figure. While Spielberg paid tribute to Jackson’s industry pre-eminence in this technical field, the discourse also underlines Spielberg’s own status as auteur. He claimed that Tintin allowed him to feel more like a painter than any prior film. Jackson also underlines the theme of direct imaginative control:The process of operating the small motion-capture virtual camera […] enabled Spielberg to return to the simplicity and fluidity of his 8mm amateur films […] [The small motion-capture camera] enabled Spielberg to put himself literally in the spaces occupied by the actors […] He could walk around with them […] and improvise movements for a film Jackson said they decided should have a handheld feel as much as possible […] All the production was from the imagination right to the computer. (McBride 532)Along with cinematic innovation, pre-release promotions thus rehearse the imaginative pre-eminence of Spielberg’s vision, alongside Jackson and his WETA company’s fantasy credentials, their reputation for meticulous detail, and their innovation in the use of performance capture in live-action features. This rehearsal of professional capital showcases the difference and superiority of The Adventures of Tintin to previous animated adaptations.Case Study 2: Andrew Motion: Silver, Return to Treasure Island (2012)At first glance, literary fiction would seem to be a far-cry from the commercial logics of tentpole cinema. The first work of pure fiction by a former Poet Laureate of Great Britain, updating a children’s classic, Silver: Return to Treasure Island signals itself as an exemplar of quality fiction. Yet the commercial logics of the publishing industry, no less than other media franchises, routinise practices such as author interviews at bookshop visits and festivals, generating paratexts that serve its promotional cycle. Motion’s choice of this classic for adaptation is a step further towards a popular readership than his poetry—or the memoirs, literary criticism, or creative non-fiction (“fabricated” or speculative biographies) (see Mars-Jones)—that constitute his earlier prose output. Treasure Island’s cultural status as boy’s adventure, its exotic setting, its dramatic characters long available in the public domain through earlier screen adaptations, make it a shrewd choice for appropriation in the niche market of literary fiction. Michael Cathcart’s introduction to his ABC Radio National interview with the author hones in on this:Treasure Island is one of those books that you feel as if you’ve read, event if you haven’t. Long John Silver, young Jim Hawkins, Blind Pew, Israel Hands […], these are people who stalk our collective unconscious, and they’re back. (Cathcart)Motion agrees with Cathcart that Treasure Island constitutes literary and common cultural heritage. In both interviews I analyse in the discussion here, Motion states that he “absorbed” the book, “almost by osmosis” as a child, yet returned to it with the mature, critical, evaluative appreciation of the young adult and budding poet (Darragh 27). Stevenson’s original is a “bloody good book”; the implication is that it would not otherwise have met the standards of a literary doyen, possessing a deep knowledge of, and affect for, the canon of English literature. Commercial Logic and Cultural UpdatingSilver is an unauthorised sequel—in Genette’s taxonomy, a “continuation”. However, in promotional interviews on the book and broadcast circuit, Motion claimed a kind of license from the practice of Stevenson, a fellow writer. Stevenson himself notes that a significant portion of the “bar silver” remained on the island, leaving room for a sequel to be generated. In Silver, Jim, the son of Stevenson’s Jim Hawkins, and Natty, daughter of Long John Silver and the “woman of colour”, take off to complete and confront the consequences of their parents’ adventures. In interviews, Motion identifies structural gaps in the precursor text that are discursively positioned to demand completion from, in effect, Stevenson’s literary heir: [Stevenson] was a person who was interested in sequels himself, indeed he wrote a sequel to Kidnapped [which is] proof he was interested in these things. (Cathcart)He does leave lots of doors and windows open at the end of Treasure Island […] perhaps most bewitchingly for me, as the Hispaniola sails away, they leave behind three maroons. So what happened to them? (Darragh)These promotional paratexts drop references to Great Expectations, Heart of Darkness, Lord of the Flies, Wild Sargasso Sea, the plays of Shakespeare and Tom Stoppard, the poetry of Auden and John Clare, and Stevenson’s own “self-conscious” sources: Defoe, Marryat. Discursively, they evidence “double coding” (Hills) as both homage for the canon and the literary “brand” of Stevenson’s popular original, while implicated in the commercial logic of the book industry’s marketing practices.Displays of DistinctionMotion’s interview with Sarah Darragh, for the National Association of Teachers of English, performs the role of man of letters; Motion “professes” and embodies the expertise to speak authoritatively on literature, its criticism, and its teaching. Literature in general, and Silver in particular, he claims, is not “just polemic”, that is “not how it works”, but it does has the ability to recruit readers to moral perspectives, to convey “ new ideas[s] of the self.” Silver’s distinction from Treasure Island lies in its ability to position “deep” readers to develop what is often labelled “theory of mind” (Wolf and Barzillai): “what good literature does, whether you know it or not, is to allow you to be someone else for a bit,” giving us “imaginative projection into another person’s experience” (Darragh 29). A discourse of difference and superiority is also associated with the transformed “brand.” Motion is emphatic that Silver is not a children’s book—“I wouldn’t know how to do that” (Darragh 28)—a “lesser” genre in canonical hierarchies. It is a writerly and morally purposeful fiction, “haunted” by greats of the canon and grounded in expertise in philosophical and literary heritage. In addition, he stresses the embedded seriousness of his reinvention: it is “about how to be a modern person and about greed and imperialism” (Darragh 27), as well as a deliberatively transformed artefact:The road to literary damnation is […] paved with bad sequels and prequels, and the reason that they fail […] is that they take the original on at its own game too precisely […] so I thought, casting my mind around those that work [such as] Tom Stoppard’s play Rosencrantz and Guildenstern are Dead […] or Jean Rhys’ wonderful novel Wide Sargasso Sea which is about the first Mrs Rochester in Jane Eyre […] that if I took a big step away from the original book I would solve this problem of competing with something I was likely to lose in competition with and to create something that was a sort of homage […] towards it, but that stood at a significant distance from it […]. (Cathcart) Motion thus rehearses homage and humility, while implicitly defending the transformative imagination of his “sequel” against the practice of lesser, failed, clonings.Motion’s narrative expansion of Stevenson’s fictional universe is an example of “overwriting continuity” established by his predecessor, and thus allowing him to make “meaningful claims to creative and professional distinction” while demonstrating his own “creative viewpoint” (Hills 320). The novel boldly recapitulates incidental details, settings, and dramatic embedded character-narrations from Treasure Island. Distinctively, though, its opening sequence is a paean to romantic sensibility in the tradition of Wordsworth’s The Prelude (1799–1850).The Branded Reveal of Transformed ContentSilver’s paratexts discursively construct its transformation and, by implication, improvement, from Stevenson’s original. Motion reveals the sequel’s change of zeitgeist, its ideological complexity and proximity to contemporary environmental and postcolonial values. These are represented through the superior perspective of romanticism and the scientific lens on the natural world:Treasure Island is a pre-Enlightenment story, it is pre-French Revolution, it’s the bad old world […] where people have a different ideas of democracy […] Also […] Jim is beginning to be aware of nature in a new way […] [The romantic poet, John Clare] was publishing in the 1820s but a child in the early 1800s, I rather had him in mind for Jim as somebody who was seeing the world in the same sort of way […] paying attention to the little things in nature, and feeling a sort of kinship with the natural world that we of course want to put an environmental spin on these days, but [at] the beginning of the 1800s was a new and important thing, a romantic preoccupation. (Cathcart)Motion’s allusion to Wild Sargasso Sea discursively appropriates Rhys’s feminist and postcolonial reimagination of Rochester’s creole wife, to validate his portrayal of Long John Silver’s wife, the “woman of colour.” As Christian Moraru has shown, this rewriting of race is part of a book industry trend in contemporary American adaptations of nineteenth-century texts. Interviews position readers of Silver to receive the novel in terms of increased moral complexity, sharing its awareness of the evils of slavery and violence silenced in prior adaptations.Two streams of influence [come] out of Treasure Island […] one is Pirates of the Caribbean and all that jolly jape type stuff, pirates who are essentially comic [or pantomime] characters […] And the other stream, which is the other face of Long John Silver in the original is a real menace […] What we are talking about is Somalia. Piracy is essentially a profoundly serious and repellent thing […]. (Cathcart)Motion’s transformation of Treasure Island, thus, improves on Stevenson by taking some of the menace that is “latent in the original”, yet downplayed by the genre reinvented as “jolly jape” or “gorefest.” In contrast, Silver is “a book about serious things” (Cathcart), about “greed and imperialism” and “how to be a modern person,” ideologically reconstructed as “philosophical history” by a consummate man of letters (Darragh).ConclusionWhen iconic literary brands are reimagined across media, genres and modes, creative professionals frequently need to balance various affective and commercial investments in the precursor text or property. Updatings of classic texts require interpretation and the negotiation of subtle changes in values that have occurred since the creation of the “original.” Producers in risk-averse industries such as screen and publishing media practice a certain pragmatism to ensure that fans’ nostalgia for a popular brand is not too violently scandalised, while taking care to reproduce currently popular technologies and generic conventions in the interest of maximising audience. As my analysis shows, promotional circuits associated with “quality” fiction and cinema mirror the commercial logics associated with less valorised genres. Promotional paratexts reveal transformations of content that position audiences to receive them as creative innovations, superior in many senses to their literary precursors due to the distinctive expertise of creative professionals. Paying lip-service the sophisticated reading practices of contemporary fans of both cinema and literary fiction, their discourse shows the conflicting impulses to homage, critique, originality, and recruitment of audiences.ReferencesBalio, Tino. Hollywood in the New Millennium. London: Palgrave Macmillan/British Film Institute, 2013.Bloom, Harold. The Anxiety of Influence: A Theory of Poetry. 2nd ed. Oxford: Oxford UP, 1997.Bourdieu, Pierre. Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste. Trans. Richard Nice. Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP, 1987. Burke, Liam. The Comic Book Film Adaptation: Exploring Modern Hollywood's Leading Genre. Jackson, MS: UP of Mississippi, 2015. Cathcart, Michael (Interviewer). Andrew Motion's Silver: Return to Treasure Island. 2013. Transcript of Radio Interview. Prod. Kate Evans. 26 Jan. 2013. 10 Apr. 2013 ‹http://www.abc.net.au/radionational/booksplus/silver/4293244#transcript›.Darragh, Sarah. "In Conversation with Andrew Motion." NATE Classroom 17 (2012): 27–30.Genette, Gérard. Palimpsests: Literature in the Second Degree. Lincoln, NE: U of Nebraska P, 1997. ———. Paratexts: Thresholds of Interpretation. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1997. Gray, Jonathan. Show Sold Separately: Promos, Spoilers, and Other Media Paratexts. New York: New York UP, 2010.Hills, Matt. "Rebranding Dr Who and Reimagining Sherlock: 'Quality' Television as 'Makeover TV Drama'." International Journal of Cultural Studies 18.3 (2015): 317–31.Johnson, Derek. Media Franchising: Creative License and Collaboration in the Culture Industries. Postmillennial Pop. New York: New York UP, 2013.Mars-Jones, Adam. "A Thin Slice of Cake." The Guardian, 16 Feb. 2003. 5 Oct. 2015 ‹http://www.theguardian.com/books/2003/feb/16/andrewmotion.fiction›.McBride, Joseph. Steven Spielberg: A Biography. 3rd ed. London: Faber & Faber, 2012.Mittell, Jason. Complex TV: The Poetics of Contemporary Television Storytelling. New York: New York UP, 2015.Moraru, Christian. Rewriting: Postmodern Narrative and Cultural Critique in the Age of Cloning. Herndon, VA: State U of New York P, 2001. Motion, Andrew. Silver: Return to Treasure Island. London: Jonathan Cape, 2012.Raiders of the Lost Ark. Dir. Steven Spielberg. Paramount/Columbia Pictures, 1981.Wolf, Maryanne, and Mirit Barzillai. "The Importance of Deep Reading." Educational Leadership. March (2009): 32–36.Wordsworth, William. The Prelude, or, Growth of a Poet's Mind: An Autobiographical Poem. London: Edward Moxon, 1850.

Abstract:

By most accounts, “resilience” is a pretty resilient concept. Or policy instrument. Or heuristic tool. It’s this last that really concerns us here: resilience not as a politics, but rather as a descriptive device for attempts in the humanities—particularly in rhetoric and cultural studies—to adequately describe a discursive event. Or rather, to adequately describe a class of discursive events: those that involve rhetorical resistance by victimised subjects. I’ve argued elsewhere (Munro, Descriptive; Reading) that Peircean semiosis, inflected by a rhetorical postulate of genre, equips us well to closely describe a discursive event. Here, I want briefly to suggest that resilience—“discursive” resilience, to coin a term—might usefully supplement these hypotheses, at least from time to time. To support this suggestion, I’ll signal some uses of resilience before turning briefly to a case study: a sensational Argentine homicide case, which occurred in October 2002, and came to be known as the caso Belsunce. At the time, Argentina was wracked by economic crises and political instability. The imposition of severe restrictions on cash withdrawals from bank deposits had provoked major civil unrest. Between 21 December 2001 and 2 January 2002, Argentines witnessed a succession of five presidents. “Resilient” is a term that readily comes to mind to describe many of those who endured this catastrophic period. To describe the caso Belsunce, however—to describe its constitution and import as a discursive event—we might appeal to some more disciplinary-specific understandings of resilience. Glossing Peircean semiosis as a teleological process, Short notes that “one and the same thing […] may be many different signs at once” (106). Any given sign, in other words, admits of multiple interpretants or uptakes. And so it is with resilience, which is both a keyword in academic disciplines ranging from psychology to ecology and political science, and a buzzword in several corporate domains and spheres of governmental activity. It’s particularly prevalent in the discourses of highly networked post-9/11 Anglophone societies. So what, pray tell, is resilience? To the American Psychological Association, resilience comprises “the process of adapting well in the face of adversity.” To the Resilience Solutions Group at Arizona State University, resilience is “the capacity to recover fully from acute stressors, to carry on in the face of chronic difficulties: to regain one’s balance after losing it.” To the Stockholm Resilience Centre, resilience amounts to the “capacity of a system to continually change and adapt yet remain within critical thresholds,” while to the Resilience Alliance, resilience is similarly “the capacity of a system to absorb disturbance and still retain its basic function and structure” (Walker and Salt xiii). The adjective “resilient” is thus predicated of those entities, individuals or collectivities, which exhibit “resilience”. A “resilient Australia,” for example, is one “where all Australians are better able to adapt to change, where we have reduced exposure to risks, and where we are all better able to bounce back from disaster” (Australian Government). It’s tempting here to synthesise these statements with a sense of “ordinary language” usage to derive a definitional distillate: “resilience” is a capacity attributed to an entity which recovers intact from major injury. This capacity is evidenced in a reaction or uptake: a “resilient” entity is one which suffers some insult or disturbance, but whose integrity is held to have been maintained, or even enhanced, by its resistive or adaptive response. A conjecturally “resilient” entity is thus one which would presumably evince resilience if faced with an unrealised aversive event. However, such abstractions ignore how definitional claims do rhetorical work. On any given occasion, how “resilience” and its cognates are construed and what they connote are a function, at least in part, of the purposes of rhetorical agents and the protocols and objects of the disciplines or genres in which these agents put these terms to work. In disciplines operating within the same form of life or sphere of activity—disciplines sharing general conventions and broad objects of inquiry, such as the capacious ecological sciences or the contiguous fields of study within the ambit of applied psychology—resilience acts, at least at times, as a something of a “boundary object” (Star and Griesemer). Correlatively, across more diverse and distant fields of inquiry, resilience can work in more seemingly exclusive or contradictory ways (see Handmer and Dovers). Rhetorical aims and disciplinary objects similarly determine the originary tales we are inclined to tell. In the social sciences, the advent of resilience is often attributed to applied psychology, indebted, in turn, to epidemiology (see Seery, Holman and Cohen Silver). In environmental science, by contrast, resilience is typically taken to be a theory born in ecology (indebted to engineering and to the physical sciences, in particular to complex systems theory [see Janssen, Schoon, Ke and Börner]). Having no foundational claim to stake and, moreover, having different purposes and taking different objects, some more recent uptakes of resilience, in, for instance, securitisation studies, allow for its multidisciplinary roots (see Bourbeau; Kaufmann). But if resilience is many things to many people, a couple of commonalities in its range of translations should be drawn out. First, irrespective of its discipline or sphere of activity, talk of resilience typically entails construing an object of inquiry qua system, be that system an individual, a community of circ*mstance, a state, a socio-ecological unit or some differently delimited entity. This bounded system suffers some insult with no resulting loss of structural, relational, functional or other integrity. Second, resilience is usually marshalled to promote a politics. Resilience talk often consorts with discourses of meliorative action and of readily quantifiable practical effects. When the environmental sciences take the “Earth system” and the dynamics of global change as their objects of inquiry, a postulate of resilience is key to the elaboration and implementation of natural resource management policy. Proponents of socio-ecological resilience see the resilience hypothesis as enabling a demonstrably more enlightened stewardship of the biosphere (see Folke et al.; Holling; Walker and Salt). When applied psychology takes the anomalous situation of disadvantaged, at-risk individuals triumphing over trauma as its declared object of inquiry, a postulate of resilience is key to the positing and identification of personal and environmental resources or protective factors which would enable the overcoming of adversity. Proponents of psychosocial resilience see this concept as enabling the elaboration and implementation of interventions to foster individual and collective wellbeing (see Goldstein and Brooks; Ungar). Similarly, when policy think-tanks and government departments and agencies take the apprehension of particular threats to the social fabric as their object of inquiry, a postulate of resilience—or of a lack thereof—is critical to the elaboration and implementation of urban infrastructure, emergency planning and disaster management policies (see Drury et al.; Handmer and Dovers). However, despite its often positive connotations, resilience is well understood as a “normatively open” (Bourbeau 11) concept. This openness is apparent in some theories and practices of resilience. In limnological modelling, for example, eutrophication can result in a lake’s being in an undesirable, albeit resilient, turbid-water state (see Carpenter et al.; Walker and Meyers). But perhaps the negative connotations or indeed perverse effects of resilience are most apparent in some of its political uptakes. Certainly, governmental operationalisations of resilience are coming under increased scrutiny. Chief among the criticisms levelled at the “muddled politics” (Grove 147) of and around resilience is that its mobilisation works to constitute a particular neoliberal subjectivity (see Joseph; Neocleous). By enabling a conservative focus on individual responsibility, preparedness and adaptability, the topos of resilience contributes critically to the development of neoliberal governmentality (Joseph). In a practical sense, this deployment of resilience silences resistance: “building resilient subjects,” observe Evans and Reid (85), “involves the deliberate disabling of political habits. […] Resilient subjects are subjects that have accepted the imperative not to resist or secure themselves from the difficulties they are faced with but instead adapt to their enabling conditions.” It’s this prospect of practical acquiescence that sees resistance at times opposed to resilience (Neocleous). “Good intentions not withstanding,” notes Grove (146), “the effect of resilience initiatives is often to defend and strengthen the political economic status quo.” There’s much to commend in these analyses of how neoliberal uses of resilience constitute citizens as highly accommodating of capital and the state. But such critiques pertain to the governmental mobilisation of resilience in the contemporary “advanced liberal” settings of “various Anglo-Saxon countries” (Joseph 47). There are, of course, other instances—other events in other times and places—in which resilience indisputably sorts with resistance. Such an event is the caso Belsunce, in which a rhetorically resilient journalistic community pushed back, resisting some of the excesses of a corrupt neoliberal Argentine regime. I’ll turn briefly to this infamous case to suggest that a notion of “discursive resilience” might afford us some purchase when it comes to describing discursive events. To be clear: we’re considering resilience here not as an anticipatory politics, but rather as an analytic device to supplement the descriptive tools of Peircean semiosis and a rhetorical postulate of genre. As such, it’s more an instrument than an answer: a program, perhaps, for ongoing work. Although drawing on different disciplinary construals of the term, this use of resilience would be particularly indebted to the resilience thinking developed in ecology (see Carpenter el al.; Folke et al.; Holling; Walker et al.; Walker and Salt). Things would, of course, be lost in translation (see Adger; Gallopín): in taking a discursive event, rather than the dynamics of a socio-ecological system, as our object of inquiry, we’d retain some topological analogies while dispensing with, for example, Holling’s four-phase adaptive cycle (see Carpenter et al.; Folke; Gunderson; Gunderson and Holling; Walker et al.). For our purposes, it’s unlikely that descriptions of ecosystem succession need to be carried across. However, the general postulates of ecological resilience thinking—that a system is a complex series of dynamic relations and functions located at any given time within a basin of attraction (or stability domain or system regime) delimited by thresholds; that it is subject to multiple attractors and follows trajectories describable over varying scales of time and space; that these trajectories are inflected by exogenous and endogenous perturbations to which the system is subject; that the system either proves itself resilient to these perturbations in its adaptive or resistive response, or transforms, flipping from one domain (or basin) to another may well prove useful to some descriptive projects in the humanities. Resilience is fundamentally a question of uptake or response. Hence, when examining resilience in socio-ecological systems, Gallopín notes that it’s useful to consider “not only the resilience of the system (maintenance within a basin) but also coping with impacts produced and taking advantage of opportunities” (300). Argentine society in the early-to-mid 2000s was one such socio-political system, and the caso Belsunce was both one such impact and one such opportunity. Well-connected in the world of finance, 57-year-old former stockbroker Carlos Alberto Carrascosa lived with his 50-year-old sociologist turned charity worker wife, María Marta García Belsunce, close to their relatives in the exclusive gated community of Carmel Country Club, Pilar, Provincia de Buenos Aires, Argentina. At 7:07 pm on Sunday 27 October 2002, Carrascosa called ambulance emergencies, claiming that his wife had slipped and knocked her head while drawing a bath alone that rainy Sunday afternoon. At the time of his call, it transpired, Carrascosa was at home in the presence of intimates. Blood was pooled on the bathroom floor and smeared and spattered on its walls and adjoining areas. María Marta lay lifeless, brain matter oozing from several holes in her left parietal and temporal lobes. This was the moment when Carrascosa, calm and coherent, called emergency services, but didn’t advert the police. Someone, he told the operator, had slipped in the bath and bumped her head. Carrascosa described María Marta as breathing, with a faint pulse, but somehow failed to mention the holes in her head. “A knock with a tap,” a police source told journalist Horacio Cecchi, “really doesn’t compare with the five shots to the head, the spillage of brain matter and the loss of about half a litre of blood suffered by the victim” (Cecchi and Kollmann). Rather than a bathroom tap, María Marta’s head had met with five bullets discharged from a .32-calibre revolver. In effect, reported Cecchi, María Marta had died twice. “While perhaps a common conceit in fiction,” notes Cecchi, “in reality, dying twice is, by definition, impossible. María Marta’s two obscure endings seem to unsettle this certainty.” Her cadaver was eventually subjected to an autopsy, and what had been a tale of clumsiness and happenstance was rewritten, reinscribed under the Argentine Penal Code. The autopsy was conducted 36 days after the burial of María Marta; nine days later, she was mentioned for the second time in the mainstream Argentine press. Her reappearance, however, was marked by a shift in rubrics: from a short death notice in La Nación, María Marta was translated to the crime section of Argentina’s dailies. Until his wife’s mediatic reapparition, Carroscosa and other relatives had persisted with their “accident” hypothesis. Indeed, they’d taken a range of measures to preclude the sorts of uptakes that might ordinarily be expected to flow, under functioning liberal democratic regimes, from the discovery of a corpse with five projectiles lodged in its head. Subsequently recited as part of Carrascosa’s indictment, these measures were extensively reiterated in media coverage of the case. One of the more notorious actions involved the disposal of the sixth bullet, which was found lying under María Marta. In the course of moving the body of his half-sister, John Hurtig retrieved a small metallic object. This discovery was discussed by a number of family members, including Carrascosa, who had received ballistics training during his four years of naval instruction at the Escuela Nacional de Náutica de la Armada. They determined that the object was a lug or connector rod (“pituto”) used in library shelving: nothing, in any case, to indicate a homicide. With this determination made, the “pituto” was duly wrapped in lavatory paper and flushed down the toilet. This episode occasioned a range of outraged articles in Argentine dailies examining the topoi of privilege, power, corruption and impunity. “Distinguished persons,” notes Viau pointedly, “are so disposed […] that in the midst of all that chaos, they can locate a small, hard, steely object, wrap it in lavatory paper and flush it down the toilet, for that must be how they usually dispose of […] all that rubbish that no longer fits under the carpet.” Most often, though, critical comment was conducted by translating the reporting of the case to the genres of crime fiction. In an article entitled Someone Call Agatha Christie, Quick!, H.A.T. writes that “[s]omething smells rotten in the Carmel Country; a whole pile of rubbish seems to have been swept under its plush carpets.” An exemplary intervention in this vein was the work of journalist and novelist Vicente Battista, for whom the case (María Marta) “synthesizes the best of both traditions of crime fiction: the murder mystery and the hard-boiled novels.” “The crime,” Battista (¿Hubo Otra Mujer?) has Rodolfo observe in the first of his speculative dialogues on the case, “seems to be lifted from an Agatha Christie novel, but the criminal turns out to be a copy of the savage killers that Jim Thompson usually depicts.” Later, in an interview in which he correctly predicted the verdict, Battista expanded on these remarks: This familiar plot brings together the English murder mystery and the American hard-boiled novels. The murder mystery because it has all the elements: the crime takes place in a sealed room. In this instance, sealed not only because it occurred in a house, but also in a country, a sealed place of privilege. The victim was a society lady. Burglary is not the motive. In classic murder mystery novels, it was a bit unseemly that one should kill in order to rob. One killed either for a juicy sum of money, or for revenge, or out of passion. In those novels there were neither corrupt judges nor fugitive lawyers. Once Sherlock Holmes […] or Hercule Poirot […] said ‘this is the murderer’, that was that. That’s to say, once fingered in the climactic living room scene, with everyone gathered around the hearth, the perpetrator wouldn’t resist at all. And everyone would be happy because the judges were thought to be upright persons, at least in fiction. […] The violence of the crime of María Marta is part of the hard-boiled novel, and the sealed location in which it takes place, part of the murder mystery (Alarcón). I’ve argued elsewhere (Munro, Belsunce) that the translation of the case to the genres of crime fiction and their metaanalysis was a means by which a victimised Argentine public, represented by a disempowered and marginalised fourth estate, sought some rhetorical recompense. The postulate of resilience, however, might help further to describe and contextualise this notorious discursive event. A disaffected Argentine press finds itself in a stability domain with multiple attractors: on the one hand, an acquiescence to ever-increasing politico-juridical corruption, malfeasance and elitist impunity; on the other, an attractor of increasing contestation, democratisation, accountability and transparency. A discursive event like the caso Belsunce further perturbs Argentine society, threatening to displace it from its democratising trajectory. Unable to enforce due process, Argentina’s fourth estate adapts, doing what, in the circ*mstances, amounts to the next best thing: it denounces the proceedings by translating the case to the genres of crime fiction. In so doing, it engages a venerable reception history in which the co-constitution of true crime fiction and investigative journalism is exemplified by the figure of Rodolfo Walsh, whose denunciatory works mark a “politicisation of crime” (see Amar Sánchez Juegos; El sueño). Put otherwise, a section of Argentina’s fourth estate bounced back: by making poetics do rhetorical work, it resisted the pull towards what ecology calls an undesirable basin of attraction. Through a show of discursive resilience, these journalists worked to keep Argentine society on a democratising track. References Adger, Neil W. “Social and Ecological Resilience: Are They Related?” Progress in Human Geography 24.3 (2000): 347-64. Alarcón, Cristina. “Lo Único Real Que Tenemos Es Un Cadáver.” 2007. 12 July 2007 ‹http://www.pagina12.com.ar/diario/elpais/subnotas/87986-28144-2007-07-12.html>. Amar Sánchez, Ana María. “El Sueño Eterno de Justicia.” Textos De Y Sobre Rodolfo Walsh. Ed. Jorge Raúl Lafforgue. Buenos Aires: Alianza, 2000. 205-18. ———. Juegos De Seducción Y Traición. Literatura Y Cultura De Masas. Rosario: Beatriz Viterbo, 2000. American Psychological Association. “What Is Resilience?” 2013. 9 Aug 2013 ‹http://www.apa.org/helpcenter/road-resilience.aspx>. Australian Government. “Critical Infrastructure Resilience Strategy.” 2009. 9 Aug 2013 ‹http://www.tisn.gov.au/Documents/Australian+Government+s+Critical+Infrastructure+Resilience+Strategy.pdf>. Battista, Vicente. “¿Hubo Otra Mujer?” Clarín 2003. 26 Jan. 2003 ‹http://old.clarin.com/diario/2003/01/26/s-03402.htm>. ———. “María Marta: El Relato Del Crimen.” Clarín 2003. 16 Jan. 2003 ‹http://old.clarin.com/diario/2003/01/16/o-01701.htm>. Bourbeau, Philippe. “Resiliencism: Premises and Promises in Securitisation Research.” Resilience: International Policies, Practices and Discourses 1.1 (2013): 3-17. Carpenter, Steve, et al. “From Metaphor to Measurement: Resilience of What to What?” Ecosystems 4 (2001): 765-81. Cecchi, Horacio. “Las Dos Muertes De María Marta.” Página 12 (2002). 12 Dec. 2002 ‹http://www.pagina12.com.ar/diario/sociedad/3-14095-2002-12-12.html>. Cecchi, Horacio, and Raúl Kollmann. “Un Escenario Sigilosamente Montado.” Página 12 (2002). 13 Dec. 2002 ‹http://www.pagina12.com.ar/diario/sociedad/3-14122-2002-12-13.html>. Drury, John, et al. “Representing Crowd Behaviour in Emergency Planning Guidance: ‘Mass Panic’ or Collective Resilience?” Resilience: International Policies, Practices and Discourses 1.1 (2013): 18-37. Evans, Brad, and Julian Reid. “Dangerously Exposed: The Life and Death of the Resilient Subject.” Resilience: Interational Policies, Practices and Discourses 1.2 (2013): 83-98. Folke, Carl. “Resilience: The Emergence of a Perspective for Social-Ecological Systems Analyses.” Global Environmental Change 16 (2006): 253-67. Folke, Carl, et al. “Resilience Thinking: Integrating Resilience, Adaptability and Transformability.” Ecology and Society 15.4 (2010). Gallopín, Gilberto C. “Linkages between Vulnerability, Resilience, and Adaptive Capacity.” Global Environmental Change 16 (2006): 293-303. Goldstein, Sam, and Robert B. Brooks, eds. Handbook of Resilience in Children. New York: Springer Science and Business Media, 2006. Grove, Kevin. “On Resilience Politics: From Transformation to Subversion.” Resilience: Interational Policies, Practices and Discourses 1.2 (2013): 146-53. Gunderson, Lance H. “Ecological Resilience - in Theory and Application.” Annual Review of Ecology and Systematics 31 (2000): 425-39. Gunderson, Lance H., and C. S. Holling, eds. Panarchy Understanding Transformations in Human and Natural Systems. Washington: Island, 2002. Handmer, John W., and Stephen R. Dovers. “A Typology of Resilience: Rethinking Institutions for Sustainable Development.” Organization & Environment 9.4 (1996): 482-511. H.A.T. “Urgente: Llamen a Agatha Christie.” El País (2003). 14 Jan. 2003 ‹http://historico.elpais.com.uy/03/01/14/pinter_26140.asp>. Holling, Crawford S. “Resilience and Stability of Ecological Systems.” Annual Review of Ecology and Systematics 4 (1973): 1-23. Janssen, Marco A., et al. “Scholarly Networks on Resilience, Vulnerability and Adaptation within the Human Dimensions of Global Environmental Change.” Global Environmental Change 16 (2006): 240-52. Joseph, Jonathan. “Resilience as Embedded Neoliberalism: A Governmentality Approach.” Resilience: International Policies, Practices and Discourses 1.1 (2013): 38-52. Kaufmann, Mareile. “Emergent Self-Organisation in Emergencies: Resilience Rationales in Interconnected Societies.” Resilience: Interational Policies, Practices and Discourses 1.1 (2013): 53-68. Munro, Andrew. “The Belsunce Case Judgement, Uptake, Genre.” Cultural Studies Review 13.2 (2007): 190-204. ———. “The Descriptive Purchase of Performativity.” Culture, Theory and Critique 53.1 (2012). ———. “Reading Austin Rhetorically.” Philosophy and Rhetoric 46.1 (2013): 22-43. Neocleous, Mark. “Resisting Resilience.” Radical Philosophy 178 March/April (2013): 2-7. Resilience Solutions Group, Arizona State U. “What Is Resilience?” 2013. 9 Aug. 2013 ‹http://resilience.asu.edu/what-is-resilience>. Seery, Mark D., E. Alison Holman, and Roxane Cohen Silver. “Whatever Does Not Kill Us: Cumulative Lifetime Adversity, Vulnerability, and Resilience.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 99.6 (2010): 1025-41. Short, Thomas L. “What They Said in Amsterdam: Peirce's Semiotic Today.” Semiotica 60.1-2 (1986): 103-28. Star, Susan Leigh, and James R. Griesemer. “Institutional Ecology, ‘Translations’ and Boundary Objects: Amateurs and Professionals in Berkeley's Museum of Vertebrate Zoology, 1907-39.” Social Studies of Science 19.3 (1989): 387-420. Stockholm Resilience Centre. “What Is Resilience?” 2007. 9 Aug. 2013 ‹http://www.stockholmresilience.org/21/research/what-is-resilience.html>. Ungar, Michael ed. Handbook for Working with Children and Youth Pathways to Resilience across Cultures and Contexts. Thousand Oaks: Sage, 2005. 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Abstract:

IntroductionThe American artist Ryan Trecartin makes digital videos that centre on the self-presentations common to video-sharing sites such as YouTube. Named by New Yorker critic Peter Schjeldahl as “the most consequential artist to have emerged since the 1980s” (84), Trecartin’s works are like high-octane domestic dramas told in the first-person, blending carnivalesque and horror sensibilities through multi-layered imagery, fast-paced editing, sprawling mise-en-scène installations and heavy-handed digital effects. Featuring narcissistic young-adult characters (many of whom are played by the artist and his friends), Trecartin’s scripted videos portray the self as fundamentally performed and kaleidoscopically mediated. His approach is therefore exemplary of some of the key concepts of automediality, which, although originating in literary studies, address concerns relevant to contemporary art, such as the blurring of life-story, self-performance, identity, persona and technological mediation. I argue that Trecartin’s work is a form of automedial art that combines camp personas with what Sianne Ngai calls the “zany” aesthetics of neoliberalism—the 24/7 production of affects, subjectivity and sociability which complicate distinctions between public and private life.Performing the Script: The Artist as Automedial ProsumerBoth “automedia” and “automediality” hold that the self (the “auto”) and its forms of expression (its “media”) are intimately linked, imbricated within processes of cultural and technological mediation. However, whereas “automedia” refers to general modes of self-presentation, “automediality” was developed by Jörg Dünne and Christian Moser to explicitly relate to the autobiographical. Noting a tendency in literary studies to under-examine how life stories are shaped by their mediums, Dünne and Moser argued that the digital era has made it more apparent how literary forms are involved in complex processes of mediation. Sidonie Smith and Julia Watson, in response, called for an expansion of autobiography into “life writing,” claiming that automediality is useful as a theoretical frame for contemplating the growth of self-presentation platforms online, shifting from the life-narrative genre of autobiography towards more discursive and irresolute forms of first-person expression (4). One’s life story, in this context, can be communicated obliquely and performatively, with the choice of media inextricably contributing to the subjectivity that is being produced, not just as a tool for rendering a pre-existent self. Lauren Berlant conceives of life writing as a laboratory for “theorizing ‘the event’” of life rather than its narration or transcription (Prosser 181). Smith and Watson agree, describing automediality as the study of “life acts” that operate as “prosthetic extension[s] of the self in networks” (78). Following this, both “automedia” and “automediality” can be understood as expanding upon the “underlying intermedial premises” (Winthrop-Young 188) of media theory, addressing how technologies and mediums do not just constitute sensory extensions of the body (Mcluhan) but also sensory extensions of identity—armed with the potential to challenge traditional ideas of how a “life” is conveyed. For Julie Rak, “automedia” describes both the theoretical framing of self-presentation acts and the very processes of mediation the self-presenter puts themselves through (161). She prefers “automedia” over “automediality” due to the latter’s tendency to be directed towards the textual products of self-presentation, rather than their processes (161). Given Trecartin’s emphasis on narrative, poetic text, performativity, technology and commodification, both “automedia” and “automediality” will be relevant to my account here, highlighting not just the crossovers between the two terms but also the dual roles his work performs. Firstly, Trecartin’s videos express his own identity through the use of camp personas and exaggerated digital tropes. Secondly, they reflexively frame the phenomenon of online self-presentation, aestheticizing the “slice of life” and “personal history” posturings found on YouTube in order to better understand them. The line between self-presenter and critic is further muddied by the fact that Trecartin makes many of his videos free to download online. As video artist and YouTuber, he is interested in the same questions that Smith and Watson claim are central to automedial theory. When watching Youtube performers, they remind themselves to ask: “How is the aura of authenticity attached to an online performance constructed by a crew, which could include a camera person, sound person, director, and script-writer? Do you find this self-presentation to be sincere or to be calculated authenticity, a pose or ‘manufactured’ pseudo-individuality?” (124). Rather than setting out to identify “right” from “wrong” subjectivities, the role of both the automedia and automediality critic is to illuminate how and why subjectivity is constructed across distinct visual and verbal forms, working against the notion that subjectivity can be “an entity or essence” (Smith and Watson 125).Figure 1: Ryan Trecartin, Item Falls (2013), digital video stillGiven its literary origins, automediality is particularly relevant to Trecartin’s work because writing is so central to his methods, grounding his hyperactive self-presentations in the literary as well as the performative. According to Brian Droitcour, all of Trecartin’s formal devices, from the camerawork to the constructed sets his videos are staged in, are prefigured by the way he uses words. What appears unstructured and improvised is actually closely scripted, with Trecartin building on the legacies of conceptual poetry and flarf poetry (an early 2000s literary genre in which poetry is composed of collages of serendipitously found words and phrases online) to bring a loose sense of narrativization to his portrayals of characters and context. Consider the following excerpt from the screenplay for K-Corea INC. K (Section A) (2009)— a work which centres on a CEO named Global Korea (a pun on “career”) who presides over symbolic national characters whose surnames are also “Korea”:North America Korea: I specialize in Identity Tourism, ?Agency...I just stick HERE, and I Hop Around–HEY GLOBAL KOREA!?Identifiers: That’s Global, That’s Global, That’s GlobalFrench adaptation Korea: WHAT!?Global Korea: Guys I just Wanted to show You Your New Office!Health Care, I don’t Care, It’s All WE Care, That’s WhyWE don’t Care.THIS IS GLOBAL!Identified: AHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHGlobal Korea: Global, Global !!Identified: AHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHFigure 2: Ryan Trecartin, K-Corea INC. K (Section A) (2009), digital video stillTrecartin’s performers are guided by their lines, even down to the apparently random use of commas, question marks and repeated capital letters. As a consequence, what can be alienating on the page is made lively when performed, his words instilled with the over-the-top personalities of each performer. For Droitcour, Trecartin’s genius lies in his ability to use words to subliminally structure his performances. Each character makes the artist’s poetic texts—deranged and derivative-sounding Internet-speak—their own “at the moment of the utterance” (Droitcour). Wayne Koestenbaum similarly argues that voice, which Trecartin often digitally manipulates, is the “anxiety point” in his works, fixing his “retardataire” energies on the very place “where orality and literacy stage their war of the worlds” (276).This conflict that Koestenbaum describes, between orality and literacy, is constitutive of Trecartin’s automedial positioning of the self, which presents as a confluence of life narrative, screenplay, social-media posing, flarf poetry and artwork. His videos constantly criss-cross between pre-production, production and postproduction, creating content at every point along the way. This circuitousness is reflected by the many performers who are portrayed filming each other as they act, suggesting that their projected identities are entangled with the technologies that facilitate them.Trecartin’s A Family Finds Entertainment (2004)—a frenetic straight-to-camera chronicle of the coming-out of a gay teenager named Skippy (played by the artist)—was included in the 2006 Whitney Biennial, after which time his work became known around the world as an example of “postproduction” art. This refers to French curator and theorist Nicholas Bourriaud’s 2001 account of the blurring of production and consumption, following on from his 1997 theory of relational aesthetics, which became paradigmatic of critical art practice at the dawn of Web 2.0. Drawing from Marcel Duchamp and the Situationists, in Postproduction: Culture as Screenplay: How Art Reprograms the World, Bourriaud addressed new forms of citation, recycling and détournement, which he saw as influenced by digital computing, the service economies and other forms of immaterial social relations that, throughout the 1990s, transformed art from a subcultural activity to a key signifier and instrument of global capitalism.Because “word processing” was “indexed to the formal protocol of the service industry, and the image-system of the home computer […] informed and colonized from the start by the world of work” (78), Bourriaud claimed that artists at the start of the twenty-first century were responding to the semiotic networks that blur daily and professional life. Postproduction art looked like it was “issued from a script that the artist projects onto culture, considered the framework of a narrative that in turn projects new possible scripts, endlessly” (19). However, whereas the artists in Bourriaud’s publication, such as Plamen Dejanov and Philippe Parreno, made art in order to create “more suitable [social] arrangements” (76), Trecartin is distinctive not only because of his bombastic style but also his apparent resistance to socio-political amelioration.Bourriaud’s call for the elegant intertextual “scriptor” as prosumer (88)—who creatively produces and consumes, arranges and responds—was essentially answered by Trecartin with a parade of hyper-affective and needy Internet characters whose aims are not to negotiate new social terrain so much as to perform themselves crazy, competing with masses of online information, opinions and jostling identities. Against Bourriaud’s strategic prosumerism, Trecartin, in his own words, chases “a kind of natural prosumerism synonymous with existence” (471). Although his work can be read as a response to neoliberal values, unlike Bourriaud, he refuses to treat postproduction methods as tools to conciliate this situation. Instead, his scripted videos present postproduction as the lingua franca of daily life. In aiming for a “natural prosumerism,” his work rhetorically asks, in paraphrase of Berlant: “What does it mean to have a life, is it always to add up to something?” (Prosser 181). Figure 3: Ryan Trecartin, A Family Finds Entertainment (2004), digital video stillPluralist CampTrecartin’s scripts direct his performers but they are also transformed by them, his words acquiring their individualistic tics, traits and nuances. As such, his self-presentations are a long way from Frederic Jameson’s account of pastiche as a neutral practice of imitation—“a blank parody” (125) that manifests as an addiction rather than a critical judgement. Instead of being uncritically blank, we could say that Trecartin’s characters have too much content and too many affects, particularly those of the Internet variety. In Ready (Re’Search Wait’S) (2009-2010), Trecartin (playing a character named J.J. Check, who wants to re-write the U.S constitution) states at one point: “Someone just flashed an image of me; I am so sure of it. I am such as free download.” Here, pastiche turns into a performed glitch, hinting at how authentic speech can be composed of an amalgam of inauthentic sources—a scrambling of literary forms, movie one-liners, intrusive online advertising and social media jargon. His characters constantly waver between vernacular clichés and accretions of data: “My mother accused me of being accumulation posing as independent free will,” says a character from Item Falls (2013)What makes Trecartin’s video work so fascinating is that he frames what once would have been called “pastiche” and fills it with meaning, as if sincerely attuned to the paradoxes of “anti-normative” posturing contained in the term “mass individualism.” Even when addressing issues of representational politics, his dialogue registers as both authentic and insipid, as when, in CENTER JENNY (2013), a conversation about sexism being “the coolest style” ends with a woman in a bikini asking: “tolerance is inevitable, right?” Although there are laugh-out-loud elements in all of his work—often from an exaggeration of superficiality—there is a more persistent sense of the artist searching for something deeper, perhaps sympathetically so. His characters are eager to self-project yet what they actually project comes off as too much—their performances are too knowing, too individualistic and too caught up in the Internet, or other surrounding technologies.When Susan Sontag wrote in 1964 of the aesthetic of “camp” she was largely motivated by the success of Pop art, particularly that of her friend Andy Warhol. Warhol’s work looked kitsch yet Sontag saw in it a genuine love that kitsch lacks—a sentiment akin to doting on something ugly or malformed. Summoning the dandy, she claimed that whereas “the dandy would be continually offended or bored, the connoisseur of Camp is continually amused, delighted. The dandy held a perfumed handkerchief to his nostrils and was liable to swoon; the connoisseur of Camp sniffs the stink and prides himself on his strong nerves” (292).As an artistic device, camp essentially wallows in all the bad fetishisms that Frankfurt School theorists lamented of capitalism. The camp appropriator, does, however, convey himself as existing both inside and outside this low culture, communicating the “stink” of low culture in affecting ways. Sontag viewed camp, in other words, as at once deconstructive and reconstructive. In playing appearances off against essences, camp denies the self as essence only to celebrate it as performance.In line with accounts of identity in automediality and automedia theory, camp can be understood as performing within a dialectical tension between self and its representation. The camp aesthetic shows the self as discursively mediated and embedded in subjective formations that are “heterogeneous, conflictual, and intersectional” (Smith and Watson 71). Affiliated with the covert expression of hom*osexual and queer identity, the camp artist typically foregrounds art as taste, and taste as mere fashion, while at the same time he/she suggests how this approach is shaped by socio-political marginalization. For Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick, the criticality of camp is “additive and accretive” rather than oppositional; it is a surplus form that manifests as “the ‘over’-attachment to fragmentary, marginal, waste or leftover products” (149).Trecartin, who identifies as gay, parodies the excesses of digital identity while at the same time, from camp and queer perspectives, he asks us to take these identifications seriously—straight, gay, transsexual, bisexual, inter-sexual, racial, post-racial, mainstream, alternative, capitalist or anarchist. This pluralist agenda manifests in characters who speak as though everything is in quotation marks, suggesting that everything is possible. Dialogue such as “I’m finally just an ‘as if’”, “I want an idea landfill”, and “It reminds me of the future” project feelings of too much and not enough, transforming Warhol’s cool, image-oriented version of camp (transfixed by TV and supermarket capitalism) into a hyper-affective Internet camp—a camp that feeds on new life narratives, identity postures and personalities, as stimuli.In emphasising technology as intrinsic to camp self-presentation, Trecartin treats intersectionality and intermediality as if corresponding concepts. His characters, caught between youthhood and adulthood, are inbetweeners. Yet, despite being nebulous, they float free of normative ideals only in the sense that they believe everybody not only has the right to live how they want to, but to also be condemned for it—the right to intolerance going hand-in-hand with their belief in plurality. This suggests the paradoxical condition of pluralist, intersectional selfhood in the digital age, where one can position one’s identity as if between social categories while at the same time weaponizing it, in the form of identity politics. In K-Corea INC. K (Section A) (2009), Global Korea asks: “Who the f*ck is that baby sh*t-talker? That’s not one of my condiments,” which is delivered with characteristic confidence, defensiveness and with gleeful disregard for normative speech. Figure 4: Ryan Trecartin, CENTER JENNY (2013), digital video stillThe Zaniness of the Neoliberal SelfIf, as Koestenbaum claims, Trecartin’s host of characters are actually “evolving mutations of a single worldview” (275), then the worldview they represent is what Sianne Ngai calls the “hypercommodified, information saturated, performance driven conditions of late capitalism” (1). Self-presentation in this context is not to be understood so much as experienced through prisms of technological inflection, marketing spiel and pluralist interpretative schemas. Ngai has described the rise of “zaniness” as an aesthetic category that perfectly encapsulates this capitalist condition. Zany hyperactivity is at once “lighthearted” and “vehement,” and as such it is highly suited to the contemporary volatility of affective labour; its tireless overlapping of work and play, and the networking rhetoric of global interconnectedness (Ngai, 7). This is what Luc Boltanski and Eve Chiapello have termed the “connexionist” spirit of capitalism, where a successful career is measured by one’s capacity to be “always pursuing some sort of activity, never to be without a project, without ideas, to be always looking forward to, and preparing for, something along with other persons, whose encounter is the result of being always driven by the drive for activity” (Chiapello and Fairclough 192).For Ngai, the zany—epitomized by Jim Carrey’s character in Cable Guy (1996) or Wile E. Coyote from the Looney Tunes cartoons—performs first and asks questions later. As such, their playfulness is always performed in a way that could spin out of control, as when Trecartin’s humour can, in the next moment, appear psychotic. Ngai continues:What is essential to zaniness is its way of evoking a situation with the potential to cause harm or injury […]. For all their playfulness and commitment to fun, the zany’s characters give the impression of needing to labor excessively hard to produce our laughter, straining themselves to the point of endangering not just themselves but also those around them. (10)Using sinister music scores, anxiety-inducing editing and lighting that references iconic DIY horror films such as the Blair Witch Project (1999), Trecartin comically frames the anxieties and over-produced individualism of the global neoliberalist project, but in ways that one is unsure what to do with it. “Don’t look at me—look at your mother, and globalize at her,” commands Global Korea. Set in temporary (read precarious) locations that often resemble both domestic and business environments, his world is one in which young adults are incessantly producing themselves as content, as if unstable market testers run riot, on whose tastes our future global economic growth depends.Michel Foucault defined this neoliberal condition as “the application of the economic grid to social phenomena” (239). As early as 1979 he claimed that workers in a neoliberal context begin to regard the self as an “abilities-machine” (229) where they are less partners in the processes of economic exchange than independent producers of human capital. As Jodi Dean puts it, with the totalization of economic production, neoliberal processes “simultaneously promote the individual as the primary unit of capitalism and unravel the institutions of solidaristic support on which this unit depends” (32). As entrepreneurs of the self, people under neoliberalism become producers for whom socialization is no longer a byproduct of capitalist production but can be the very means through which capital is produced. With this in mind, Trecartin’s portrayal of the straight-to-camera format is less a video diary than a means for staging social auditions. His performers (or contestants), although foregrounding their individualism, always have their eyes on group power, suggesting a competitive individualism rather than the countering of normativity. Forever at work and at play, these comic-tragics are ur-figures of neoliberalism—over-connected and over-emotional self-presenters who are unable to stop, in fear they will be nothing if not performing.ConclusionPortraying a seemingly endless parade of neoliberal selves, Trecartin’s work yields a zany vision that always threatens to spin out of control. As a form of Internet-era camp, he reproduces automedial conceptions of the self as constituted and expanded by media technologies—as performative conduits between the formal and the socio-political which go both ways. This process has been described by Berlant in terms of life writing, but it applies equally to Trecartin, who, through a “performance of fantasmatic intersubjectivity,” facilitates “a performance of being” for the viewer “made possible by the proximity of the object” (Berlant 25). Inflating for both comic and tragic effect a profoundly nebulous yet weaponized conception of identity, Trecartin’s characters show the relation between offline and online life to be impossible to essentialize, laden with a mix of conflicting feelings and personas. As identity avatars, his characters do their best to be present and responsive to whatever precarious situations they find themselves in, which, due to the nature of his scripts, seem at times to have been automatically generated by the Internet itself.ReferencesBourriaud, Nicolas. Postproduction: Culture as a Screenplay: How Art Reprograms the World. New York: Lucas & Stenberg, 2001.Chiapello, E., and N. Fairclough. “Understanding the New Management Ideology: A Transdisciplinary Contribution from Critical Discourse Analysis and New Sociology of Capitalism.” Discourse and Society 13.2 (2002): 185–208.Dean, Jodi. Crowds and Party. London & New York: Verso, 2016.Droitcour, Brian. “Making Word: Ryan Trecartin as Poet.” Rhizome 27 July 2001. 18 Apr. 2015 <http://rhizome.org/editorial/2011/jul/27/making-word-ryan-trecartin-poet/>.Dünne, Jörg, and Christian Moser. Automedialität: Subjektkonstitution in Schrift, Bild und neuen Medien [Automediality: Subject Constitution in Print, Image, and New Media]. Munich: Fink, 2008.Foucault, Michel. The Birth of Biopolitics. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008.Jameson, Fredric. Postmodernism, or, the Cultural Logic of Late Capitalism. Durham: Duke University Press, 1991.Kosofsky Sedgwick, Eve. Touching Feeling: Affect, Pedagogy, Performativity. Durham: Duke University Press, 2003.McLuhan, Marshall. Understanding Media: The Extensions of Man, London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1964.Ngai, Sianne. Our Aesthetic Categories: Zany, Cute Interesting. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2015.Prosser, Jay. “Life Writing and Intimate Publics: A Conversation with Lauren Berlant.” Biography 34.1 (Winter 2012): 180- 87.Rak, Julie. “Life Writing versus Automedia: The Sims 3 Game as a Life Lab.” Biography 38.2 (Spring 2015): 155-180.Schjeldahl, Peter. “Party On.” New Yorker, 27 June 2011: 84-85.Smith, Sidonie. “Virtually Me: A Toolbox about Online Self-Presentation.” Identity Technologies: Constructing the Self Online. Eds. Anna Poletti and Julie Rak. Wisconsin: University of Wisconsin Press, 2014.———, and Julia Watson. Reading Autobiography: A Guide for Interpreting Life Narratives. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota P, 2010———, and Julia Watson. Life Writing in the Long Run: Smith & Watson Autobiography Studies Reader. Ann Arbor: Michigan Publishing, 2016.Sontag, Susan. “Notes on Camp.” Against Interpretation and Other Essays. New York: Picador, 2001.Trecartin, Ryan. “Ryan Trecartin.” Artforum (Sep. 2012): 471.Wayne Koestenbaum. “Situation Hacker.” Artforum 47.10 (Summer 2009): 274-279.Winthrop-Young, Geoffrey. “Hardware/Software/Wetware.” Critical Terms for Media Studies. Eds. W.J.T. Mitchell and M. Hansen. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2010.

Abstract:

This paper will use the popular television character, Dexter Morgan, to interrogate the relationship between self and persona, and unsettle the distinction between the two terms. This operation will enable me to raise a series of questions about the critical vocabulary and scholarly agenda of the nascent discipline of persona studies, which, I argue, needs to develop a critical genealogy of the term “persona.” This paper makes a modest contribution to such a project by drawing attention to some key questions regarding the discourse of authenticity in persona studies. For those not familiar with the show, Dexter portrays the life of a serial killer who only kills other serial killers. This is because Dexter, under the tutelage of his deceased father, develops a code that enables him to find a “socially useful” purpose for his homicidal impulses—by exclusively targeting other killers he rationalises his own deadly acts. Dexter necessarily leads a double life, which entails performing a series of normative social roles that conceal his true identity, and the murderous activities of his “dark passenger.” This apparent split between “true” self and “false” persona says a lot about popular conceptions of the performative nature of the self in contemporary culture, and provides a useful framework for unpacking some of the aporias generated by the concept of persona.My aim in the present context is to substantiate the argument that persona studies needs to engage with the philosophical discourse of “self” and “authenticity” if it is to provide a convincing account of the status and function of persona today. The term “persona” derives from the classical Latin word for mask, and has its roots in the theatre of ancient Greece. The Oxford English Dictionary defines the term thus:1. An Assumed character or role, especially one adopted by an author in his or her writing, or by a performer.2.a. as the aspect of a person’s character that is displayed to or perceived by others.b. Psychol. In Jungian psychology: the outer or assumed aspect of character; a set of attitudes adopted by an individual to fit his or her perceived social role. Contrasted with anima.For Jung the persona is “a complicated system of relations between individual consciousness and society, fittingly enough a kind of mask, designed on the one hand to make a definite impression upon others, and, on the other, to conceal the true nature of the individual” (305). We can see that all these usages share a theatrical or actorly dimension. Persona is something we adopt, display, or assume. Further, it is an external quality, which masks, presumably, that which is not assumed or displayed—the private self. Thus, persona is predicated on an opposition between inside and outside. Moreover, it is not a value neutral concept, but one, I will argue, that connotes a sense of “inauthenticity” through suggesting a division between self and role. The “self” is a complicated word with a wide range of usages and connotations. The OED notes that when used with reference to a person the word refers to an essential entity.3. Chiefly Philos. That which in a person is really and intrinsically he (in contradistinction to what is adventitious); the ego (often identified with the soul or mind as opposed to the body); a permanent subject of successive and varying states of consciousness.Of course both terms are further complicated by the way they function within specific specialised discourses. Jung’s use of the term “persona” is part of a complex psychological theory of personality, and the term “self” appears in a multitude of forms in a plethora of scholarly disciplines. The “self” is obviously a key concept in psychology and philosophy, where it is sometimes conflated with something called the subject, or discussed with reference to questions of personal identity. Michel Foucault’s project to track “the constitution of the subject across history which has led us up to the modern concept of the self” (202) is perhaps the most complex and rich body of work with which persona studies must reckon if it is to produce a distinctive account of the relationship between persona and self. In broad terms, this paper advocates a loosely Foucauldian approach to understanding the relationship between self and persona, but defers a detailed encounter with Foucault’s work on the subject (which requires a much larger canvas).For the moment I want to focus on the status of authenticity in the self/persona relationship with specific reference to world of Dexter, which provides an accessible forum for examining a contemporary manifestation of the self/persona relationship with specific reference to the question of authenticity. Dexter conveys the division between authentic inner self and persona through the use of a first person narrative voice that provides a running commentary on the character’s thoughts, and exposes the gap between Dexter’s various social roles and his real sociopathic self. Dexter Morgan is, of course, an unreliable narrator, yet he is acutely aware of how others perceive him, and his narrative voice-over functions as a device to bind the viewer to the character’s first-person perspective. This is important because Dexter is devoid of empathy—he lacks the ability to feel genuine emotion, and conform to the social conventions that govern everyday activities, yet he is focus of audience identification. This means the voice-over must perform the work of making Dexter sympathetic.The voice-over narration in Dexter is characterised by an obsession with the presentation of self, and the disparity between self and persona. In an early episode, Dexter’s narrative voice proclaims a love of Halloween because it is “the one time of year when everyone wears a mask—not just me. People think it's fun to pretend you're a monster. Me, I spend my life pretending I'm not. Brother, friend, boyfriend—all part of my costume collection” (Dexter “Let’s Give the Boy a Hand”).Dexter develops a series of social masks and routines to disguise his “real” self. He is compelled to develop a series of elaborate ruses to appear like a regular guy—a “normal” person who needs to perform a series of social roles. He thus becomes a studious observer of everyday life, and much of the show’s appeal lies in the way he dissects the minutiae of human behavior in order to learn how be normal. Indeed, because he does not comprehend emotion he must learn how to read the external signs that convey care, love, interest, concern and so on—“I just don't understand all that emotion, which makes it tough to fake,” he declares (Dexter, “Popping Cherry”). Each social role requires a considerable degree of actorly preparation, and Dexter demonstrates what we might call, with Erving Goffman, a dramaturgical approach to everyday life (2).For example, Dexter enters into a relationship with Rita, an ostensibly naïve, doe-eyed single mother of two children and a victim of domestic violence—he chooses her because he believes that she is as damaged as he is, and unlikely to challenge him too strongly—“Rita's ex-hubby, the crack addict, repeatedly raped her, knocked her around. Ever since then she's been completely uninterested in sex. That works for me!” (Dexter “Dexter”). Rita provides the perfect cover because she facilitates Dexter’s construction of himself as a normal, heterosexual family man. However, in order to play this most paradigmatic normative role, he must learn how to play with children, and feign affection and intimacy. J. M. Tyree observes that Dexter “employs a fake-it-till-you-make-it strategy for imitating normal life” (82). Of course, he cannot maintain the role too long before Rita becomes suspicious, and aware of Dexter’s repeated lies and evasions.In short, Dexter dramatises what Goffman calls impression management—the character of Dexter Morgan must consistently “give off” signs of normativity (80). Goffman argues that we are all compelled to perform social roles in the manner of Dexter, and this perhaps accounts for why the show appealed to such a wide audience. In many ways, Dexter exposes normative behavior as an “act” that nobody can sustain no matter how hard they try. Dexter’s struggle to decode the conventions that govern everyday life make him a sympathetic character despite his obviously sociopathic tendencies. In other words we are all a little bit like Dexter insofar we must all perform social roles we may not find comfortable. Of course, the whole question of impression management in Dexter becomes even more complex if one considers Michael C. Hall’s celebrity persona and his performance as the titular character, but I do not have the space to pursue this line of inquiry in the present context.So, Dexter is a consummate actor within his “everyday” world, and neatly, perhaps too neatly, confirms Goffman’s “dramaturgical” theory of the “self.” In his essay, “Letter to a Poor Actor” David E. R. George provides a fascinating critique of Goffman from the perspective of a theatre studies scholar. George provocatively claims that Goffman was attracted to theatrical metaphors because of the “anti-theatrical prejudice” embedded within the western tradition. George cites Jonash Barish’s authoritative tome on this topic, which argues “that with infrequent exceptions, terms borrowed from the theatre—theatrical, operatic, melodramatic, stagey, etc.—tend to be hostile or belittling” (1).Barish cites instances of this prejudice from Plato through to St Augustine and beyond, and George situates Goffman within this powerful tradition. He writes,the theatrum mundi metaphor has always been a recipe for paranoia, and in this respect Goffman appears merely to be continuing a long philosophical tradition: the actor-as-paranoiac puts on the maximum number of masks to protect a threatened and fragile self against the daily threat of intimacy, disrespect, deception. (353)It is hardly surprising, then, that Dexter, a paranoid sociopath, stands as an exemplary instance of Goffman’s dramaturgical conception of the self, for Dexter is a show that consistently presents narratives about the relationship between the need to protect the “fragile” self through the construction of various personae. George also argues, with Lyman and Scott, that a “dramatistic” approach to understanding the world produces a cynical perspective because drama is predicated on the split between appearance and reality, nothing is what it appears to be, and nobody is what they appear to be (7). The actor, traditionally, has always worn a mask in some form or another. From the literal masks worn by the actors in ancient Greece to the sophisticated make-up and prosthetic devices worn by today’s thespians, actors, even when they are supposedly playing themselves, expose the gap between self and persona. Arguably, the most challenging and provocative aspect of George’s theory of the actor for persona studies lies in his thesis about how the reviled art of the theatre, which has been pilloried for so many centuries, can function as a paradigm for authenticity. He cites Artaud and Grotowski as examples of two iconic figures that view the theatre as a sacred space that facilitates ‘close encounters of the authentic kind (George 361).George attempts to rescue an authentic core identity, which he perceives to be under siege from the likes of Goffman, who proffers an “onion” model of the self. In George’s reading, Goffman produces a self without an essential, authentic core. This is hardly surprising given Goffman’s background. As an advocate of symbolic interactionism, a school of sociology that proposes that the self is produced as a result of various acts of socialisation, Goffman’s dramaturgical account of the self reinforces George Herbert Mead’s belief that “when a self does appear it always involves an experience of another; there could not be an experience of the self simply by itself” (195).Dexter not only dramatises this self/other dynamic, but also underscores the extent to which we, to use the terminology of Benita Luckmann, inhabit a series of “small life-worlds.” In other words, we lead a series of part-time lives in part-time worlds—modern life, for Luckmann writing in 1970, unfolds on multiple stages that are not necessarily connected or operate according to the same regulatory principles. She writes,The multi-world existence of modern man requires frequent ‘gear-shifting.’ As he moves from one small world into the next, he is faced with at least marginally different expectations, requiring different role performances in concert with different sets of people. (590)Dexter must negotiate a variety of different social roles, each with different requirements and demands. He must, therefore, cultivate a professional persona as a blood-splatter analyst, and perform the personal roles of brother, lover, husband, and so on. Each of these roles occurs in a different “life world” and requires a different presentation of self. Luckmann’s analysis of modern life remains compelling despite being written more than 40 years ago, and she raises one of the most crucial questions for persona studies: what “self,” if any, functions as the executive “gear-shifter?” In Dexter, the narrative voice, the voice behind the masks implies such an essential entity—the true, authentic self, which is consistent with Jung’s account of the relationship between self and persona.Despite a welter of critical theory that debunks the possibility of an essential, self-identical, authentic self (from Adorno’s anti-Heideggerean argument in The Jargon of Authenticity to various post-structuralist theories of subjectivity, especially Judith Butler’s conception of performativity) the idea of sovereign self stubbornly persists in everyday discourse. One of the tasks of persona studies must be to examine these common notions of self and authenticity. On one level, most people experience the “self” as something that refers to what we might call a singular sense of being, and speak about when the feel “most like themselves.” For some, the self emerges within the private realm, the “backstage” areas to use Goffman’s terminology (3). Others speak of feeling most like themselves in executing a social role or some kind of professional occupation. For example, take this extract from a contemporary self-growth web site:Are you feeling like you don’t know who you are anymore? Or maybe you feel like you never really knew yourself. Perhaps you’ve gone through most of your life living by other people’s agendas or ideas of who you should be, and are just now realizing that you really don’t know yourself, your dreams, or your purpose. (Ewing 2013)From the Platonic exhortation to “know thyself” through to the advice dispensed by self-help gurus, the self emerges as a persistent, if elusive, trope in scholarly and everyday discourse. Persona studies needs to reckon with the scope and breadth of the deployment of the self. Indeed it is the very ubiquity of terms like self, authenticity, and persona that require genealogical analysis in the Foucauldian sense of the term. This task entails looking for and uncovering the conditions of possibility for talking about the self across a wide range of contexts.In summary, then, I contend that persona studies needs to carefully examine the relationship between various theories of self and the discourse of authenticity, and establish the extent to which Goffman’s apparently cynical account for the self challenges the assumed authenticity of the self in the Jungian paradigm. Of course, there are many other approaches one could take to this question. For example, Sartrean existentialism problematises any simple opposition between self and persona in its insistence that the self is the product of the others’ perceptions of the subject. This position is captured in his famous maxim that “hell is other people.” This is not because other people are inherently antagonistic or hostile, but that one’s sense of self is in the hands of others. Sartre dramatises this conundrum elegantly in his 1944 play, No Exit.Sartre’s philosophy also engages with the discourse of authenticity, which it borrows from Heidegger’s Being and Time. Existentialism, in its many guises, dominated continental philosophy up until the 1960s and popularised the idea of “authenticity” as an ideal, which enables one to avoid the tyranny of the “They” and avoid the pitfalls of living in bad faith. There is a possibility that the nascent discipline of Persona Studies, as articulated by P. David Marshall and others, risks ignoring the crucial relationship between the discourse of authenticity and the presentation of self by concentrating on the “presentational self” as a set of pragmatic, tactical techniques designed to maximise the impact of impression management within a variety of social and professional contexts (Marshall “Persona”; Barbour and Marshall “Academic”). A more detailed and direct engagement with Foucault’s account of the emergence and constitution of the modern subject, as well as with theories of performativity and authenticity that challenge the arguments and verities of Goffman, and Jung, can provide a richer account of how the concept of persona operates today with reference to, say, “the networked self” (Papacharissi; Barbour and Marshall).So, I would like to conclude by returning to Dexter and the question of authenticity. Dexter can never really manage to identify his authentic self—his “gear-changing” core.It’s there always, this Dark Passenger. And when he’s driving, I feel alive, half sick with the thrill of complete wrongness [...] lately there are these moments when I feel connected to something else... someone. It’s like the mask is slipping and things... people... who never mattered before are suddenly starting to matter. (Dexter, “An Inconvenient Lie”)In this speech, he paradoxically identifies his “dark passenger” as the driver (Luckmann’s “gear-changer”) but then feels “the mask” slipping. There is something beyond what he assumed to be his dark core—the innermost aspect of being that makes executive decisions. Moreover, the status of Dexter’s “dark passenger” is unclear in this speech—is he ‘”he self” or some external agent impelling Dexter to commit murder. Either way Dexter questions the motives and authenticity of this “dark passenger” and those of us with a stake in the nascent discipline of persona studies would do well to be equally skeptical about the status of our key terms.References Adorno, Theodor. The Jargon of Authenticity. Trans. Tarnowski, Knut and Will, Fredric. London and New York: Routledge, 2009.“An Inconvenient Lie.” Dexter. Season 2, Episode 3. DVD Showtime, 2007.Barbour K and Marshall P. D. “The Academic Online: Constructing Persona through the World Wide Web.” First Monday 17.9 (2012). 16 May 2014 http://firstmonday.org/ojs/index.php/fm/article/view/3969/3292.Barish, Jonas. The Anti-Theatrical Prejudice. University of California Press, 1981.Butler, Judith. Gender Trouble. London and New York: Routledge, 1990.“Dexter.” Dexter. Season 1, Episode 1. DVD Showtime, 2006.Ewing, Catherine. ‘Do You Feel Like a Stranger to Yourself?’ 17 April 2014 ‹ http://reawakenyourdreamer.com/2013/09/feel-like-stranger/ ›.Foucault, Michel. “About the Beginnings of the Hermeneutics of the Self: Two Lectures at Dartmouth.” Political Theory (1993): 198-227.George, David E.R. “Letter to a Poor Actor.” New Theatre Quarterly 2.8 (1986): 352-362.Goffman, Erving. The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life. New York: Doubleday, 1959.Heidegger, Martin. Being and Time. Trans. John Macquarie and Edward Robinson. London: Blackwell, 2006.Jung, Carl. Collected Works 7: Two Essays on Analytical Psychology. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1972.“Let’s Give the Boy a Hand.” Dexter. Season 1, Episode 4. DVD Showtime, 2006.Luckmann, Benita. “The Small Life-Worlds of Modern Man.” Social Research 37.4 (1970): 580-596.Lyman, S. M., and Scott, M. B. The Drama of Social Reality. Oxford: Oxford University Presss, 1975.Marshall, P. David. “Persona Studies: Mapping the Proliferation of the Public Self.” Journalism 15 (2014): 153-170.Mead, George Herbert. Mind, Self and Society. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1934.Papacharissi, Zizi (ed.). A Networked Self: Identity, Community, and Culture on Social Network Sites. London and New York: Routledge, 2011.“persona, n.” OED Online. Oxford University Press, March 2014. 12 April 2014.“Popping Cherry.” Dexter. Season 1, Episode 3. DVD Showtime, 2006.Sartre, Jean-Paul. No Exit and Three Other Plays. Trans. Stuart Gilbert. New York: Vintage, 1989.“self, pron., adj., and n.” OED Online. Oxford University Press, March 2014. 13 April 2014.Tyree, J.M. “Spatter Pattern.” Film Quarterly 62.1 (2008): 82-85.

Abstract:

Looked at again and again half consciously by a mind thinking of something else, any object mixes itself so profoundly with the stuff of thought that it loses its actual form and recomposes itself a little differently in an ideal shape which haunts the brain when we least expect it. (Virginia Woolf 38) From briefcases to drugs, and from boxing rings to tower blocks, this issue of M/C Journal turns its attention to the diverse materialities that make up our social worlds. Across a variety of empirical contexts, the collected papers employ objects, structures, and spaces as lenses onto corporeality, extending and unsettling habitual understandings of what a body is and does. By exploring everyday encounters among bodies and other materialities, the contributors elucidate the material processes through which human corporeality is enacted and imagined, produced and unmade.That materialities “tell stories” of bodies is an implicit tenet of embodied existence. In biomedical practice, for example, the thermometer assigns a value to a disease process which might already be felt, whereas the blood pressure cuff sets in motion a story of illness that is otherwise hidden or existentially absent. In so doing, such objects recast corporeality, shaping not only experiences of embodied life, but also the very matter of embodiment.Whilst recognising that objects are “companion[s] in life experience” (Turkle 5), this issue seeks to go beyond a sole focus on embodied experience, and explore the co-constitutive entanglements of embodiment and materiality. The collected papers examine how bodies and the material worlds around them are dialectically forged and shaped. By engaging with a specific object, structure, or space, each paper reflects on embodiment in ways that take account of its myriad material dynamics. BodiesHow to conceptualise the body and attend to its complex relationships with sociality, identity, and agency has been a central question in many recent strands of thinking across the humanities and social sciences (see Blackman; Shilling). From discussions of embodiment and personhood to an engagement with the affective and material turns, these strands have challenged theoretical emphases on body/mind dualisms that have historically informed much thinking about bodies in Western thought, turning the analytic focus towards the felt experience of embodied being.Through these explorations of embodiment, the body, as Csordas writes, has emerged as “the existential ground of culture” (135). Inspired by phenomenology, and particularly by the writings of Merleau-Ponty, Csordas has theorised the body as always-already inter-subjective. In constant dynamic interaction with self, others, and the environment, the body is both creative and created, constituting culture while being constituted by it. As such, bodies continuously materialise through sensory experiences of oneself and others, spaces and objects, such that the embodied self is at once both material and social.The concept of embodiment—as inter-subjective, dynamic, and experientially focussed—is central to this collection of papers. In using the term corporeality, we build on the concept of embodiment in order to interrogate the material makings of bodies. We attend to the ways in which objects, structures, and spaces extend into, and emanate from, embodied experiences and bodily imaginings. Being inherently inter-subjective, bodies are therefore not individual, clearly bounded entities. Rather, the body is an "infinitely malleable and highly unstable culturally constructed product” (Shilling 78), produced, shaped, and negated by political and social processes. Studies of professional practice—for example, in medicine—have shown how the body is assembled through culturally specific, sometimes contingent, arrangements of knowledges and practices (Berg and Mol). Such arrangements serve to make the body inherently “multiple” (Mol) as well as mutable.A further challenge to entrenched notions of singularity and boundedness has been offered by the “affective turn” (Halley and Clough) in the humanities and social sciences (see also Gregg and Siegworth; Massumi; Stewart). Affect theory is concerned with the felt experiences that comprise and shape our being-in-the-world. It problematises the discursive boundaries among emotive and visceral, cognitive and sensory, experiences. In so doing, the affective turn has sought to theorise inter-subjectivity by engaging with the ways in which bodily capacities arise in relation to other materialities, contexts, and “force-relations” (Seigworth and Gregg 4). In attending to affect, emphasis is placed on the unfinishedness of both human and non-human bodies, showing these to be “perpetual[ly] becoming (always becoming otherwise)” (3, italics in original). Affect theory thereby elucidates that a body is “as much outside itself as in itself” and is “webbed in its relations” (3).ObjectsIn parallel to the “affective turn,” a “material turn” across the social sciences has attended to “corporeality as a practical and efficacious series of emergent capacities” which “reveals both the materiality of agency and agentic properties inherent in nature itself” (Coole and Frost 20). This renewed attention to the “stuff” (Miller) of human and non-human environments and bodies has complemented, but also challenged, constructivist theorisations of social life that tend to privilege discourse over materiality. Engaging with the “evocative objects” (Turkle) of everyday life has thereby challenged any assumed distinction between material and social processes. The material turn has, instead, sought to take account of “active processes of materialization of which embodied humans are an integral part, rather than the monotonous repetitions of dead matter from which human subjects are apart” (Coole and Frost 8).Key to this material turn has been a recognition that matter is not lumpen or inert; rather, it is processual, emergent, and always relational. From Bergson, through Deleuze and Guattari, to Bennett and Barad, a focus on the “vitality” of matter has drawn questions about the agency of the animate and inanimate to the fore. Engaging with the agentic capacities of the objects that surround us, the “material turn” recognises human agency as always embedded in networks of human and non-human actors, all of whom shape and reshape each other. This is an idea influentially articulated in Actor-Network-Theory (Latour).In an exposition of Actor-Network-Theory, Latour writes: “Scallops make the fisherman do things just as nets placed in the ocean lure the scallops into attaching themselves to the nets and just as data collectors bring together fishermen and scallops in oceanography” (107, italics in original). Humans, non-human animals, objects, and spaces are thus always already entangled, their capacities realised and their movements motivated, directed, and moulded by one another in generative processes of responsive action.Embodied Objects: The IssueAt the intersections of a constructivist and materialist analysis, Alison Bartlett’s paper draws our attention to the ways in which “retro masculinity is materialised and embodied as both a set of values and a set of objects” in Nancy Meyers’s film The Intern. Bartlett engages with the business suit, the briefcase, and the handkerchief that adorn Ben the intern, played by Robert De Niro. Arguing that his “senior white male body” is framed by the depoliticised fetishisation of these objects, Bartlett elucidates how they construct, reinforce, or interrupt the gaze of others. The dynamics of the gaze are also the focus of Anita Howarth’s analysis of food banks in the UK. Howarth suggests that the material spaces of food banks, with their queues of people in dire need, make hunger visible. In so doing, food banks draw hunger from the hidden depths of biological intimacy into public view. Howarth thus calls attention to the ways in which individual bodies may be caught up in circulating cultural and political discursive regimes, in this case ones that define poverty and deservingness. Discursive entanglements also echo through Alexandra Littaye’s paper. Like Bartlett, Littaye focusses on the construction and performance of gender. Autoethnographically reflecting on her experiences as a boxer, Littaye challenges the cultural gendering of boxing in discourse and regulation. To unsettle this gendering, Littaye explores how being punched in the face by male opponents evolved into an experience of camaraderie and respect. She contends that the boxing ring is a unique space in which violence can break down definitions of gendered embodiment.Through the changing meaning of such encounters between another’s hand and the mutable surfaces of her face, Littaye charts how her “body boundaries were profoundly reconfigured” within the space of the boxing ring. This analysis highlights material transformations that bodies undergo—agentially or unagentially—in moments of encounter with other materialities, which is a key theme of the issue. Such material transformation is brought into sharp relief by Fay Dennis’s exploration of drug use, where ways of being emerge through the embodied entanglements of personhood and diamorphine, as the drug both offers and reconfigures bodily boundaries. Dennis draws on an interview with Mya, who has lived experience of drug use, and addiction treatment, in London, UK. Her analysis parses Mya’s discursive construction of “becoming normal” through the everyday use of drugs, highlighting how drugs are implicated in creating Mya’s construction of a “normal” embodied self as a less vulnerable, more productive, being-in-the-world.Moments of material transformation, however, can also incite experiences of embodied extremes. This is elucidated by the issue’s feature paper, in which Roy Brockington and Nela Cicmil offer an autoethnographic study of architectural objects. Focussing on two Brutalist housing developments in London, UK, they write that they “feel small and quite squashable in comparison” to the buildings they traverse. They suggest that the effects of walking within one of these vast concrete entities can be likened to having eaten the cake or drunk the potion from Alice in Wonderland (Carroll). Like the boxing ring and diamorphine, the buildings “shape the physicality of the bodies interacting within them,” as Brockington and Cicmil put it.That objects, spaces, and structures are therefore intrinsic to, rather than set apart from, the dynamic processes through which human bodies are made or unmade ripples through this collection of papers in diverse ways. While Dennis’s paper focusses on the potentiality of body/object encounters to set in motion mutual processes of becoming, an interest in the vulnerabilities of such processes is shared across the papers. Glimpsed in Howarth’s, as well as in Brockington and Cicmil’s discussions, this vulnerability comes to the fore in Bessie Dernikos and Cathlin Goulding’s analysis of teacher evaluations as textual objects. Drawing on their own experiences of teaching at high school and college levels, Dernikos and Goulding analyse the ways in which teacher evaluations are “anything but dead and lifeless;” they explore how evaluations painfully intervene in or interrupt corporeality, as the words on the page “sink deeply into [one’s] skin.” These words thereby enter into and impress upon bodies, both viscerally and emotionally, their affective power unveiling the agency that imbues a lit screen or a scribbled page.Yet, importantly, this issue also demonstrates how bodies actively forge the objects, spaces, and environments they encounter. Paola Esposito’s paper registers the press of bodies on material worlds by exploring the collective act of walking with golden thread, a project that has since come to be entitled “Walking Threads.” Writing that the thread becomes caught up in “the bumpy path, trees, wind, and passers-by,” Esposito explores how these intensities and forms register on the moving collective of bodies, just as those bodies also press into, and leave traces on, the world around them. That diverse materialities thereby come to be imbued with, or perhaps haunted by, the material and affective traces of (other) bodies, is also shown by the metonymic resonance between Littaye’s face and her coach’s pad: each bears the marks of another’s punch. Likewise, in Bartlett’s analysis of The Intern, Ben is described as having “shaped the building where the floor dips over in the corner” due to the heavy printers he used in his previous, analogue era, job.This sense of the marks or fragments left by the human form perhaps emerges most resonantly in Michael Gantley and James Carney’s paper. Exploring mortuary practices in archaeological context, Gantley and Carney trace the symbolic imprint of culture on the body, and of the body on (material) culture; their paper shows how concepts of the dead body are informed by cultural anxieties and technologies, which in turn shape death rituals. This discussion thereby draws attention to the material, even molecular, traces left by bodies, long after those bodies have ceased to be of substance. The (im)material intermingling of human and non-human bodies that this highlights is also invoked, albeit in a more affective way, by Chris Stover’s analysis of improvisational musical spaces. Through a discussion of “musical-objects-as-bodies,” Stover shows how each performer leaves an imprint on the musical bodies that emerge from transient moments of performance. Writing that “improvised music is a more fruitful starting place for thinking about embodiment and the co-constitutive relationship between performer and sound,” Stover suggests that performers’ bodies and the music “unfold” together. In so doing, he approaches the subject of bodies beyond the human, probing the blurred intersections among human and non-human (im)materialities.Across the issue, then, the contributors challenge any neat distinction between bodies and objects, showing how diverse materialities “become” together, to borrow from Deleuze and Guattari. This blurring is key to Gantley and Carney’s paper. They write that “in post-mortem rituals, the body—formerly the manipulator of objects—becomes itself the object that is manipulated.” Likewise, Esposito argues that “we generally think of objects and bodies as belonging to different domains—the inanimate and the animate, the lifeless and the living.” Her paper shares with the others a desire to illuminate the transient, situated, and often vulnerable processes through which bodies and (other) materialities are co-produced. Or, as Stover puts it, this issue “problematise[s] where one body stops and the next begins.”Thus, together, the papers explore the many dimensions and materialities of embodiment. In writing corporeality, the contributors engage with a range of theories and various empirical contexts, to interrogate the material dynamics through which bodies processually come into being. The issue thereby problematises taken-for-granted distinctions between bodies and objects. The corporeality that emerges from the collected discussions is striking in its relational and dynamic constitution, in the porosity of (imagined) boundaries between self, space, subjects, and objects. As the papers suggest, corporeal being is realised through and within continuously changing relations among the visceral, affective, and material. Such relations not only make individual bodies, but also implicate socio-political and ecological processes that materialise in structures, technologies, and lived experiences. We offer corporeality, then, as a framework to illuminate the otherwise hidden, politically contingent, becomings of embodied beings. ReferencesBarad, Karen. “Posthumanist Performativity: Toward an Understanding of How Matter Comes to Matter.” Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 28 (2003): 801–831.Bennett, Jane. Vibrant Matter: A Political Ecology of Things. Durham, NC: Duke UP, 2010.Berg, Marc, and Annemarie Mol (eds.) Differences in Medicine: Unraveling Practices, Techniques, and Bodies. Durham, NC: Duke, 1998.Bergson, Henri. Creative Evolution. London: Henry Holt and Company, 1911Blackman, Lisa. The Body: Key Concepts. London: Berg, 2008.Carroll, Lewis. Alice in Wonderland. London: Macmillan, 1865.Coole, Diana, and Samantha Frost. “Introducing the New Materialisms.” New Materialisms: Ontology, Agency, and Politics. Eds. Diana Coole and Samantha Frost. Durham, NC: Duke, 2010. 1-46.Csordas, Thomas J. “Somatic Modes of Attention.” Cultural Anthropology 8.2 (1993): 135-156.Deleuze, Gilles, and Felix Guattari. A Thousand Plateaus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia. London: Continuum, 2004.Gregg, Melissa, and Gregory Seigworth (eds.) The Affect Theory Reader. Durham, NC: Duke, 2010.Halley, Jean, and Patricia Ticineto Clough. The Affective Turn: Theorizing the Social. Durham, NC: Duke UP, 2007.Latour, Bruno. Reassembling the Social: An Introduction to Actor-Network-Theory. Oxford: Oxford UP, 2005.Massumi, Brian. The Politics of Affect. Cambridge: Polity Press, 2015.Merleau-Ponty, Maurice. Phenomenology of Perception. Trans. Colin Smith. London: Routledge, 1962Miller, Daniel. Stuff. Cambridge: Polity Press, 2010.Mol, Anemarie. The Body Multiple: Ontology in Medical Practice. Durham, NC: Duke UP, 2002.Seigworth, Gregory, and Melissa Gregg. “An Inventory of Shimmers.” The Affect Theory Reader. Eds. Melissa Gregg and Gregory Seigworth. Durham, NC: Duke, 2010. 1-28.Shilling, Chris. The Body and Social Theory. Nottingham: SAGE Publications, 2012.Stewart, Kathleen. Ordinary Affects. Durham, NC: Duke UP, 2007.Turkle, Sherry. “The Things That Matter.” Evocative Objects: Things We Think With. Ed. Sherry Turkle. Cambridge MA: MIT Press, 2007.Woolf, Virginia. Street Haunting. London: Penguin Books, 2005.

Abstract:

IntroductionWhen a baby girl born in Britain was endowed with the topical name ‘Hashtag’, a social media post decried the naming, and a media storm followed. Before she was even home from hospital, headlines were at the ready: “Did a mother really just name her child Hashtag?” (Nye) and “Baby Hashtag: has the search for original names gone too far?” (Barkham). Trollers were also poised to react, offering: “The first name is REALLY dumb. And you're even dumber,” prompting a rejection of the baby’s name as well as her ostensibly ill-equipped parents (Facebook). Dubbed a “Public Figure” on her Facebook page, Hashtag Jameson accrued a particularly premature type of celebrity, where, with a handful of baby selfies, she declared via Twitter, and only hours after birth, that she was “already trending”.In this article, I consider the relationship between the infant child and the visual-digital economies in which it – as in the Hashtag hoax, above – performs. The infant child is brought into view with the very first sentence that frames John Berger’s Ways of Seeing. “Seeing comes before words”, he writes. “The child looks and recognizes before it can speak” (1). Berger’s reference to the seeing child positions it as an active agent in cultures and practices of visuality, but also uses an idea of the child to position vision as the primary communicative means by which we “establish our place in the surrounding world” and in which we are enveloped “before” speech (7). Here, I explore the intensified relationship between the visual culture of infancy and the economised digital movement of vision that it produces in one highly specific image-genre: the baby selfie. In doing so I aim to characterise the depictive nature of this format in terms of how it compositionally documents – to further borrow the language of Berger, who was then discussing oil paintings – “a way of seeing the world, which was ultimately determined by new attitudes to property and exchange” (87).The new sociology of childhood has been concerned with the construction of the child figure as it has interfaced with new cultural and political realities since the early 1980s (Prout). These include “phenomena such as the flexibilization of production … expanding networks of knowledge … and shifts in labour market participation, work and the global economy” (Prout 5). I suggest here that the baby selfie can be seen as an unprecedented social marker of these transformations, signalling a heightened degree of priceless sentiment within which the child – as an animator of amateur affects, viral tendencies and algorithmic logics – is given to operate. I focus on the compositional propensities of the baby selfie in order to characterise how it visually construes a particular kind of self that is intrinsically entangled with the conception of the image as a form of capital exchange. That is, I suggest that in its intense and yet paradoxical self-performativity the baby selfie depicts a way of seeing that is predicated on, but also troubles, the conceit of a commodified social relation. What Does the Baby Selfie Say?“Should babies really be taking selfies?” yells a headline warning against the perceived dangers of youth digital cultures (Cox). The 2014 story references a phone app built by father Matthew Pegula that uses front-facing cameras to “unintentionally teac[h] your baby to take selfies of themselves” by generating “rattling sounds, pictures of cute animals, and more to get the baby’s attention.” The article explains that “[w]hen the baby reaches out to touch the screen, the camera snaps their selfie and saves it to the device”. While Pegula’s Baby Selfie App is available for purchase on Google Play’s app store for $1.09, a similar device named New Born Fame, featuring “Facebook and Twitter symbols that are activated when the youngster reaches for them” and inclusions such as “a pair of shoes with an internal pedometer that tracks kicks and posts the activity online, a squeezable GPS tracker and a ‘selfie-ball’ that photographs the baby and uploads the shot whenever the ball rotates” (Peppers), artistically interrogated this relatively new category of “insta-infa-fame”.In their article “What Does the Selfie Say?”, Theresa M. Senft and Nancy K. Baym argue that the selfie exists as the hallmark genre of a new kind of self-reflexive image-making, one that is formally characterised by the “self-generated” nature of the photographic portraiture it depicts, which is in turn conceived for its transmissibility, occurring “primarily via social media” (1589). Popularised in part by new technologies (the camera phone, the smart phone, and then the front-facing phone camera) and in part by new digital platforms (“Facebook, Instagram, SnapChat, Tumblr, WeChat, and Tinder”) (1589), Senft and Baym further explain that the selfie is simultaneously a photographic object which transmits human feeling, a practice of sending (as well as of depicting), and third, a monetized assemblage curated by nonhuman agents. It is this last factor which renders the objecthood of the selfie as it relates to the vernacular that it enacts as well as the practice of its making, political.Notions around the simultaneously constituting and yet virally distributed “self” of social media are not new. A now prominent literature around how the selfie graphically manifests and performs: intimate publics (Walsh and Baker), a normative or resistive image repertoire (Murray), and emotionalised, communicable affect (Bayer et al.), gives rise to a range of viewpoints that aim to characterise how the hyper self-reflexivity of the selfie depicts – visually as well as ontologically – the self as an agent of their own transmissibility (Holiday et al.). From these we understand that the selfie is distinct for its (i) self-representational image-format (it is an image made by the self, of the self, and thereby is identifiable for its capturing of the self in this very process of self-composition); ii) its methods of distribution (selfies are taken and distributed often instantaneously, and thereby are not only objects of, but active agents of, the reshaping of digitally communicative economies); iii) its idiomatic performance of a sociality and aesthetic of the amateur or vernacular (Abidin).The doubled glance both inwards and outwards that the selfie casts is further characterised for how it traces as well as points to a gestural self-awareness held within its compositional characteristics (Frosh). This moves us from a semiotic reading of the selfie to a reading of its “kineasthetic sociability” – that is, its embodied inception of new forms of autobiographical inscription which say “not only ‘see this, here, now,’ but also ‘see me showing you me’” (Frosh 1609-10). Here, the selfie is less a static object and more a gestural imprint of the communicative action in process: it is “simultaneously mediating (the outstretched arm executes the taking of the selfie) and mediated (the outstretched arm becomes a legible and iterable sign within selfies of, among other things, the selfieness of the image)” (Frosh 1611). In this sense, its compositional logic offers a tracing of this very enactive, embodied tendency, which bears more than an indexical relationship to the field that it marks – it depicts itself as a constituting part of that field.While these characteristics are broadly accepted as being true of selfies, the “selfieness” of a baby selfie might be seen to offer a paradoxical reframing of these depictive qualities. That is, if a selfie is a self-depiction of a process of self-depiction, the baby selfie most usually performs this self-reflexivity with recourse to an external agent who is either present in the image frame or who is occluded from it but nonetheless implied by the very nature of the image (a parent or the image-facilitator, or indeed, a baby app). The baby selfie’s scene of self-depiction, then, might be thought of as a kind of self-depiction-by-proxy. At the same time, the baby selfie asks us to invest in the belief that the picture was knowingly self-taken, and in doing so, models a kind of aspirational autonomy for the child/baby figure who is depicted. In this sense, the baby selfie, by its very nature, disrupts the accepted distinguishing format of the selfie: that the picture is both self-depicting and is self-composed. Instead, the baby selfie can be seen to gesturally reincorporate into its visual scene the very question of this structural im/possibility.Depicting the Viral ChildThe figure of the child has been considered by a range of theorists as the organising principle of modernity. Philippe Aries’ foundational work has argued that the modern discovery of childhood is reflected in the rise of the nuclear family and consequential shifts from sociability to privacy. Viviana Zelizer similarly positions the emergence of the economically “useless” but sentimentally “priceless” child against comprehensive social and industrial transformations taking place across the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries that excluded the child as a labourer and instead situated it with the disciplinary regime of education. The hetero-normatively white child has since been shown to emblematise concepts of social futurity (Edelman) and myths of morality, humanity and the “ordering of time” (Pelligrini 98).Following Zelizer, the more recently ‘digitally’ visual cultures of childhood can be seen to spin the figure of the child around new socio-economic and discursive imperatives. Lisa Cartwright writes about photographs of waiting adoptee children, in which “children of poor countries become commodities and their images become advertisem*nts in a global market” (83). Deborah Lupton similarly considers the coding of infant bodies in popular media for their “represent[ation] as helpless, vulnerable, uncontrolled, dirty and leaky in opposition to the idealised adult body that is powerful, self-regulated, autonomous, clean, its bodily boundaries sealed from the outside world” (349). More recently, children have been considered for how they either accidentally or volitionally interact with mediated technologies (Nansen) as well as for how they are increasingly digitally surveilled as the objects of a necessary – and increasingly normalised – parental “culture of care” (Leaver 2). These studies make clear that while children are increasingly positioned as the ‘viral’ agents of new kinds of visual markets, they are also infantilised as victims in need of unprecedented cyber-protection.In 1994 Douglas Rushkoff coined the term “media virus” to account for the rapid and uncontrollable ways that popular media texts performed to either coerce or awaken viewing publics. While Rushkoff’s medium of reference was television, Henry Jenkins et al. later reframed virality to instead encompass ideas of user-led agency by linking it with a logic of “stickiness” – evoking what he termed a “peanut butter” analogy to describe the “spreadable” (3) movement of ideas in more recent social media practices. Indeed, Liam French finds a strong parallel between the “phenomenal rise in user generated content” and the turn towards newer visual cultures within social media practices more broadly, noting that it is “ordinary people” (French’s term) who actively generate the very forms of visual cultural production that become key to communicatory circulation. The selfie, in this regard, becomes both a format and an icon of the new ways of seeing brought into perspective by social media practices.Given the political, social and industrial ecologies that constitute such image cultures, it is only recently that the “viral” child, as the next delineation of the sentimentally “priceless” child, has arrived into view. Here, the baby Hashtag hoax can be seen to critically narrate a specific cultural moment: one that is concerned with stabilising the figure of the child even as it constitutes the ground through which that figure also becomes undone. I refer to the way that Hashtag, as a figural baby, presents a tautological identity, where the digital grammar of # names the mechanism by which she would also search for herself. If Hashtag is emblematic of the algorithmic and affective assemblage of contemporary image-cultures of childhood – whose image-work shapes the new temporal dimensions of our watching and viewing practices – she also illustrates how the child has been become not only an object, but a medium of the economic logics of communicative capitalism. That is, the image-work of the baby selfie can be seen to point to the very question of autonomous agency that frames the figure of the child and in doing so, provides a disruptive counterpoint to the “peanut butter” logic of spreadable visual cultures of so-called “ordinary people” more broadly.It is this light that I ask (drawing on Senft and Baym): what does the baby selfie say about how we understand or construe the figure of the child? More specifically, I ask (via Berger) what culture of vision is brought into view by the rise of such visual cultures of the viral child? The “Gestural Gaze” of Digital Infant Agency Ellentv.com recently advertised a call for viewers to send in their favourite baby selfies: “If you've got a baby and a camera, it's time to take some selfies! Take a photo of you and your baby making the same face, and send it to us!” The legal disclaimer accompanying the callout additionally advised that “[b]y submitting Materials, … you … do not violate the right of privacy or publicity of, or constitute a defamation against, any person or entity; that the Materials will not infringe upon or violate the copyright or common law rights or any other rights of any person or entity” (Ellentv.com). From the outset, there appears within baby selfie culture a curious calibration of the agency of the child, who is at once a selfie-self-taker but who is also excluded from a legal right to privacy that concerns “any person or entity”. In this respect we might further ask – following Jacqueline Bhabha’s question “what sort of human is a child?” (1526) – what sort of human is a viral child, and how does the baby selfie depict this paradoxical configuration of infantile agency?While the formality of the baby selfie still demonstrates a range of configurations which often incorporate the figure of a parent and hence contradict the discreet self-composing parameters of the selfie, here I focus in closing on one specific baby selfie that I suggest is emblematic of an increasing prevalence of apparently “true” baby selfies which operate on a range of image-sharing platforms and meme sites. These baby selfies are distinguished by seeming to be (i) an image that is made by the self, of the self, and thereby is identified for its capturing of the self in this very process of self-composition; ii) an image that is construed for methods of often instantaneous distribution; iii) an image that puts forward an idiomatic performance of an amateur vernacular – or what Abidin has called “calibrated amateurism”.One compilation, “12 of the Cutest Baby Selfies You Will Ever See”, foregrounds the autonomy of the figure of the viral child as depicted by baby selfie culture, explaining that “These babies might be small, but they can do a lot more than just laugh, crawl, and play. It turns out they can also work their way around a camera and snap some amazing selfies. Talk about impressive!” (Campbell). While all the images in the selection depict the embodied gestural sociality of the selfie that Frosh characterises – that which is “simultaneously mediating (the outstretched arm executes the taking of the selfie) and mediated (the outstretched arm becomes a legible and iterable sign within selfies of … the selfieness of the image)” (1611) – one in particular is arresting for its striking interpellation of the “innocent” figure of the child with what I will extend via Frosh to call the inherent mediality of her gestural gaze. In this iconic baby selfie, the gestural gaze is witnessed in the way that the baby’s outstretched hand seems to be extending towards us, the viewer, but is rather (we think we know) extended towards the phone camera, in order to better see herself.The infant in the image is coded female, wearing a pink bonnet, dummy clip and dummy. The dummy is centred defiantly in the baby’s mouth and doubly defiantly in the centre of the image frame as an infantile ‘technology’ that seems to undercut the technology of the phone camera apparatus. The dummy imbues the image with an iconic sense of the baby’s innate “baby-ness” which seems to directly contradict the strength of her gaze, which also appears, in following the outwards arc of her selfie-taking arm, to reach beyond the image frame and address her viewer directly. It seems to say – to paraphrase Frosh – see me here, now, showing you me. The ambivalent origins of the image are also key to how it is read and distributed here. The image in question can be found on the media site Woman’s World, which offers an untraceable credit to Instagram for its original source. The image has also, since, spread itself, appearing across a range of other multilingual sites and feeds, depicting the child at the centre of its frame as somewhat entangled in a further labour of self-duplication. The baby selfie in circulation says not only “‘see this, here, now,’” and “‘see me showing you me’,” but ‘see all of this here, and again, here and again, here.’John Berger writes of two related image genres that connect histories of vernacular depiction to histories of the evolution of the publicity image as a medium and sign of capital exchange. Writing on oil painting, he notes how the materiality of the medium signified the “thingness” of its depiction: “if you buy a painting you also buy a look of the thing that it represents” (83). He finds, therein, an “analogy between possessing and a way of seeing which is incorporated in oil painting” (83) and which, as he later explains, becomes tied to “the tangibility, the texture, the lustre, the solidity of what it depicts” (88). The textural qualities of oil painting, which for Berger construe the “real” as that which can be materially conveyed or indexed as commodity, might be compared to the gestural residue that is contained within the selfie. While oil painting construed the materiality of things – and hence, the commodifiable nature of any particular relation – the selfie might be seen to depict the self in the process of its own self-labour: the material gesture of taking the image necessitates that the self becomes an agent who then becomes the immaterial self of transmission. The selfie is in this way a depiction of the self in a form of capital relation to itself.While the selfie – as a digital composition – is not materially “real” in the same way that oil painting is, the indexical nature of the arm that reaches out beyond the image frame to point to the inherent transmissibility – and hence capital value – of the image, might be. While the baby selfie imitates these capacities, I suggest here that it also traces a compositional logic that further complicates that which Frosh charts. This is because in the very moment that the spectator of the image is confronted with the baby selfie’s call to “see me showing you me” (1609-10), the spectator is also confronted with the figure of the infant as an autonomous agent capable of their own image-constitution. In essence, the baby selfie posits a question around the baby’s innate ability to knowingly generate its image-frame, even as that very image-frame is what casts the infant into the spreadable contexts within which it will then operate – or, indeed, become ‘knowable’.In its heightened self-referentiality but tenuously depicted sense of rhetorical agency, the baby selfie then faces us with what we think we know, or do not know, about the figure of the child. This central ambivalence inherent to the compositional makeup of the baby selfie in this way both depicts and disrupts the economics of circulation that are intrinsic to selfies more broadly, pointing to a decomposing of the parameters by which a selfie is interpreted and understood. Further, it enables us to question relationships between ways of seeing and ways of being – how does the baby selfie envision the figure of the chid? What sort of human does it become? While there are valid discussions to be had around the absence of “direct self-representational agency” (Leaver) and moral rights or wrongs of the parental management of children’s image-work in online spaces, the baby selfie also opens up questions around how we understand the very contours of infantile agency, how we perceive rhetorical knowingness, and what we mean to mean by the relentless circulation of this imagery of the viral child. Indeed, as Wendy S. Hesford writes, it can be helpful to shift an understanding of agency from being an “individual enterprise” to being understood as that which is “enabled and constrained by cultural discourses and material forces” that compel it into material circulation (156).Here, I am not aiming to foreclose debates about the role of infants (or children more broadly) living with and in digital cultures. Neither do I aim to cast judgement upon on those image practices which enfold child subjects within them. I rather aim to circumvent those important debates to find – following Berger – a trace of how the image cultures that co-constitute digital infancies operate to formulate as well as depict a new field of vision that is predicated upon a seemingly impossible but nonetheless compelling logic of the contradictory impulses of the viral child. That is, it challenges us to think more carefully about what we think we know about children as well as about how we come to know them.ReferencesAbidin, Crystal. “#familygoals: Family Influencers, Calibrated Amateurism, and Justifying Young Digital Labor.” Social Media + Society (Apr.-June 2017): 1–15.Aries, Philippe. Centuries of Childhood: A Social History of Family Life. Trans. Robert Baldick. New York: Vintage, 1962.Barkham, Patrick. “Baby Hashtag: Has the Search for Original Names Gone Too Far?” The Guardian 29 Nov. 2012 <https://www.theguardian.com/lifeandstyle/shortcuts/2012/nov/28/baby-hashtag-silliest-name-ever>.Bayer, Joseph B., et al. “Sharing the Small Moments: Ephemeral Social Interaction on Snapchat.” Information, Communication & Society 19.7 (2016): 956–977.Berger, John. Ways of Seeing. London: Penguin Books, 1972.Bhabha, Jacqueline. “The Child: What Sort of Human?” PMLA 121.5 (2006): 1526–1535.Cartwright, Lisa. “Photographs of Waiting Children: The Transnational Adoption Market.” Social Text 74 21.1 (2003): 83–109.Campbell, Nakeisha. “12 of the Cutest Baby Selfies You Will Ever See.” Woman’s World, 22 June 2016. <http://www.womansworld.com/posts/funny-baby-selfies-106002/photos/cute-baby-selfie-4-167875>.Cox, Lauren. “‘Baby Selfie’ Phone App – Should Babies Really Be Taking Selfies?” Hollywoodlife.com, 28 Feb. 2014. <http://hollywoodlife.com/2014/02/28/baby-selfie-smartphone-app-babies-take-selfies/>.Dean, Jodi. Blog Theory: Feedback and Capture in the Circuits of Drive. Oxford: John Wiley & Sons, 2010.Edelman, Lee. No Future: Queer Theory and the Death Drive. Durham: Duke UP, 2004.Ellentv.com. “Baby Selfies.” <http://www.ellentv.com/photos/baby-selfies/>.French, Liam. “Researching Social Media and Visual Culture.” Social Media in Social Research: Blogs on Blurring the Boundaries. Ed. Kandy Woodfield. London: Sage, 2014. Frosh, Paul. “The Gestural Image: The Selfie, Photography Theory, and Kinesthetic Sociability.” International Journal of Communication 9 (2015): 1607–1628.Hesford, Wendy S. Spectacular Rhetorics: Human Rights Visions, Recognitions, Feminisms. Durham: Duke UP, 2011.Holiday, Steven, et al. “The Selfie Study: Archetypes and Motivations in Modern Self-Photography.” Visual Communication Quarterly 23.3 (2016): 175–187Jenkins, Henry, et al. Spreadable Media: Creating Value and Meaning in a Networked World. New York: NYUP, 2013.Lever, Tama. “Intimate Surveillance: Normalizing Parental Monitoring and Mediation of Infants Online.” Social Media + Society (Apr.-June 2017): 1–10.Lupton, Deborah. “Precious, Pure, Uncivilised, Vulnerable: Infant Embodiment in Australian Popular Media.” Children & Society 28.5 (2014): 341–351.Murray, Derek Conrad. “Notes to Self: The Visual Culture of Selfies in the Age of Social Media.” Consumption Markets & Culture 18.6 (2015): 490–516Nansen, Bjorn. “Accidental, Assisted, Automated: An Emerging Repertoire of Infant Mobile Media Techniques.” M/C Journal 18.5 (2015). <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/index.php/mcjournal/article/view/1026>.Nye, James. “Did a Mother Really Just Name Her Child Hashtag?” Daily Mail Australia, 28 Nov. 2012. <http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2239599/Did-mother-really-just-child-Hashtag-Photo-baby-Twitter-inspired-sweeps-Internet.html>.Pelligrini, Ann. “What Do Children Learn at School?” Social Text 97 26.4 (2008): 97–105.Peppers, Margot. “Social Media for BABIES? The Dangling Mobile That Lets Newborns Post Selfies and Videos Online from the Crib.” Daily Mail Australia, 25 Oct. 2014. <http://www.dailymail.co.uk/femail/article-2806761/Social-media-BABIES-dangling-mobile-lets-newborns-post-selfies-videos-online-crib.html>.Prout, Alan. “Taking a Step Away from Modernity: Reconsidering the New Sociology of Childhood.” Global Studies of Childhood 1.1 (2011): 4–14.Rushkoff, Douglas. Media Virus! New York: Ballantine Books, 1996.Senft, Theresa M., and Nancy K. Baym. “What Does the Selfie Say? Investigating a Global Phenomenon.” International Journal of Communication 9 (2015): 1588–1606.Walsh, Michael James, and Stephanie Alice Baker. ‘The Selfie and the Transformation of the Public–Private Distinction.” Information, Communication & Society 20.8 (2017): 1185–1203.Zelizer, Viviana. Pricing the Priceless Child: The Changing Social Value of Children. New Jersey: Princeton UP, 1994.

Abstract:

In August 2006 the LiveJournal (hereafter LJ) community sga_flashfic posted its bimonthly challenge: a “Mission Report” challenge. Challenge communities are fandom-specific sites where moderators pick a theme or prompt to which writers respond and then post their specific fan works. The terms of this challenge were to encourage participants to invent a new mission and create a piece of fan fiction in the form of a mission report from the point of view of the Stargate Atlantis team of explorers. As an alternative possibility, and this is where the trouble started, the challenge also allowed to “take another author’s story and write a report” of its mission. Moderator Cesperanza then explained, “if you choose to write a mission report of somebody else’s story, we’ll ask you to credit them, but we won’t require you to ask their permission” (sga_flashfic LJ, 21 Aug. 2006, emphasis added). Whereas most announcement posts would only gather a few comments, this reached more than a hundred responses within hours, mostly complaints. Even though the community administrators quickly backtracked and posted a revision of the challenge not 12 hours later, the fannish LiveJournal sphere debated the challenge for days, reaching far beyond the specific fandom of Stargate Atlantis to discuss the ethical questions surrounding fannish appropriation and remix. At the center of the debate were the last eight words: “we won’t require you to ask their permission.” By encouraging fans to effectively write fan fiction of fan fiction and by not requiring permission, the moderators had violated an unwritten norm within this fannish community. Like all fan communities, western media fans have developed internal rules covering everything from what to include in a story header to how long to include a spoiler warning following aired episodes (for a definition and overview of western media fandom, see Coppa). In this example, the mods violated the fannish prohibition against the borrowing of original characters, settings, plot points, or narrative structures from other fan writers without permission—even though as fan fiction, the source of the inspiration engages in such borrowing itself. These kinds of normative rules can be altered, of course, but any change requires long and involved discussions. In this essay, we look at various debates that showcase how this fan community—media fandom on LiveJournal—creates and enforces but also discusses and changes its normative behavior. Fan fiction authors’ desire to prevent their work from being remixed may seem hypocritical, but we argue that underlying these conversations are complex negotiations of online privacy and control, affective aesthetics, and the value of fan labor. This is not to say that all fan communities address issues of remixing in the same way media fandom at this point in time did nor to suggest that they should; rather, we want to highlight a specific community’s internal ethics, the fervor with which members defend their rules, and the complex arguments that evolve from all sides when rules are questioned. Moreover, we suggest that these conversations offer insight into the specific relation many fan writers have to their stories and how it may differ from a more universal authorial affect. In order to fully understand the underlying motivations and the community ethos that spawned the sga_flashfic debates, we first want to differentiate between forms of unauthorised (re)uses and the legal, moral, and artistic concerns they create. Only with a clear definition of copyright infringement and plagiarism, as well as a clear understanding of who is affected (and in what ways) in any of these cases, can we fully understand the social and moral intersection of fan remixing of fan fiction. Only when sidestepping the legal and economic concerns surrounding remix can we focus on the ethical intricacies between copyright holders and fan writers and, more importantly, within fan communities. Fan communities differ greatly over time, between fandoms, and even depending on their central social interfaces (such as con-based zines, email-based listservs, journal-based online communities, etc.), and as a result they also develop a diverse range of internal community rules (Busse and Hellekson, “Works”; Busker). Much strife is caused when different traditions and their associated mores intersect. We’d argue, however, that the issues in the case of the Stargate Atlantis Remix Challenge were less the confrontation of different communities and more the slowly changing attitudes within one. In fact, looking at media fandom today, we may already be seeing changed attitudes—even as the debates continue over remix permission and unauthorised use. Why Remixes Are Not Copyright Infringement In discussing the limits of unauthorised use, it is important to distinguish plagiarism and copyright violation from forms of remix. While we are more concerned with the ethical issues surrounding plagiarism, we want to briefly address copyright infringement, simply because it often gets mixed into the ethics of remixes. Copyright is strictly defined as a matter of law; in many of the online debates in media fandom, it is often further restricted to U.S. Law, because a large number of the source texts are owned by U.S. companies. According to the U.S. Constitution (Article I, Section 8), Congress has the power to secure an “exclusive Right” “for limited Times.” Given that intellectual property rights have to be granted and are limited, legal scholars read this statute as a delicate balance between offering authors exclusive rights and allowing the public to flourish by building on these works. Over the years, however, intellectual property rights have been expanded and increased at the expense of the public commons (Lessig, Boyle). The main exception to this exclusive right is the concept of “fair use,” defined as use “for purposes such as criticism, comment, news reporting, teaching..., scholarship, or research” (§107). Case law circ*mscribes the limits of fair use, distinguishing works that are merely “derivative” from those that are “transformative” and thus add value (Chander and Sunder, Fiesler, Katyal, McCardle, Tushnet). The legal status of fan fiction remains undefined without a specific case that would test the fair use doctrine in regards to fan fiction, yet fair use and fan fiction advocates argue that fan fiction should be understood as eminently transformative and thus protected under fair use. The nonprofit fan advocacy group, the Organization for Transformative Works, in fact makes clear its position by including the legal term in their name, reflecting a changing understanding of both fans and scholars. Why Remixes Are Not Plagiarism Whereas copyright infringement is a legal concept that punishes violations between fan writers and commercial copyright holders, plagiarism instead is defined by the norms of the audience for which a piece is written: definitions of plagiarism thus differ from academic to journalist to literary contexts. Within fandom one of the most blatant (and most easily detectable) forms of plagiarism is when a fan copies another work wholesale and publishes it under their own name, either within the same fandom or by simply searching and replacing names to make it fit another fandom. Other times, fan writers may take selections of published pro or fan fiction and insert them into their works. Within fandom accusations of plagiarism are taken seriously, and fandom as a whole polices itself with regards to plagiarism: the LiveJournal community stop_plagiarism, for example, was created in 2005 specifically to report and pursue accusations of plagiarism within fandom. The community keeps a list of known plagiarisers that include the names of over 100 fan writers. Fan fiction plagiarism can only be determined on a case-by-case basis—and fans remain hypervigilant simply because they are all too often falsely accused as merely plagiarising when instead they are interpreting, translating, and transforming. There is another form of fannish offense that does not actually constitute plagiarism but is closely connected to it, namely the wholesale reposting of stories with attributions intact. This practice is frowned upon for two main reasons. Writers like to maintain at least some control over their works, often deriving from anxieties over being able to delete one’s digital footprint if desired or necessary. Archiving stories without authorial permission strips authors of this ability. More importantly, media fandom is a gift economy, in which labor is not reimbursed economically but rather rewarded with feedback (such as comments and kudos) and the growth of a writer’s reputation (Hellekson, Scott). Hosting a story in a place where readers cannot easily give thanks and feedback to the author, the rewards for the writer’s fan labor are effectively taken from her. Reposting thus removes the story from the fannish gift exchange—or, worse, inserts the archivist in lieu of the author as the recipient of thanks and comments. Unauthorised reposting is not plagiarism, as the author’s name remains attached, but it tends to go against fannish mores nonetheless as it deprives the writer of her “payment” of feedback and recognition. When Copyright Holders Object to Fan Fiction A small group of professional authors vocally proclaim fan fiction as unethical, illegal, or both. In her “Fan Fiction Rant” Robin Hobbs declares that “Fan fiction is to writing what a cake mix is to gourmet cooking” and then calls it outright theft: “Fan fiction is like any other form of identity theft. It injures the name of the party whose identity is stolen.” Anne Rice shares her feelings about fan fiction on her web site with a permanent message: “I do not allow fan fiction. The characters are copyrighted. It upsets me terribly to even think about fan fiction with my characters. I advise my readers to write your own original stories with your own characters. It is absolutely essential that you respect my wishes.” Diana Gabaldon calls fan fiction immoral and describes, “it makes me want to barf whenever I’ve inadvertently encountered some of it involving my characters.” Moreover, in a move shared by other anti-fan fiction writers, she compares her characters to family members: “I wouldn’t like people writing sex fantasies for public consumption about me or members of my family—why would I be all right with them doing it to the intimate creations of my imagination and personality?” George R.R. Martin similarly evokes familial intimacy when he writes, “My characters are my children, I have been heard to say. I don’t want people making off with them.” What is interesting in these—and other authors’—articulations of why they disapprove of fan fiction of their works is that their strongest and ultimate argument is neither legal nor economic reasoning but an emotional plea: being a good fan means coloring within the lines laid out by the initial creator, putting one’s toys back exactly as one found them, and never ever getting creative or transformative with them. Many fan fiction writers respect these wishes and do not write in book fandoms where the authors have expressed their desires clearly. Sometimes entire archives respect an author’s desires: fanfiction.net, the largest repository of fic online, removed all stories based on Rice’s work and does not allow any new ones to be posted. However, fandom is a heterogeneous culture with no centralised authority, and it is not difficult to find fic based on Rice’s characters and settings if one knows where to look. Most of these debates are restricted to book fandoms, likely for two reasons: (1) film and TV fan fiction alters the medium, so that there is no possibility that the two works might be mistaken for one another; and (2) film and TV authorship tends to be collaborative and thus lowers the individual sense of ownership (Mann, Sellors). How Fannish Remixes Are like Fan Fiction Most fan fiction writers strongly dismiss accusations of plagiarism and theft, two accusations that all too easily are raised against fan fiction and yet, as we have shown, such accusations actually misdefine terms. Fans extensively debate the artistic values of fan fiction, often drawing from classical literary discussions and examples. Clearly echoing Wilde’s creed that “there is no such thing as a moral or immoral book,” Kalichan, for example, argues in one LJ conversation that “whenever I hear about writers asserting that other writing is immoral, I become violently ill. Aside from this, morality & legality are far from necessarily connected. Lots of things are immoral and legal, illegal and moral and so on, in every permutation imaginable, so let’s just not confuse the two, shall we” (Kalichan LJ, 3 May 2010). Aja Romano concludes an epic list of remixed works ranging from the Aeneid to The Wind Done Gone, from All’s Well That Ends Well to Wicked with a passionate appeal to authors objecting to fan fiction: the story is not defined by the barriers you place around it. The moment you gave it to us, those walls broke. You may hate the fact people are imagining more to your story than what you put there. But if I were you, I’d be grateful that I got the chance to create a story that has a culture around it, a story that people want to keep talking about, reworking, remixing, living in, fantasizing about, thinking about, writing about. (Bookshop LJ, 3 May 2010)Many fan writers view their own remixes as part of a larger cultural movement that appropriates found objects and culturally relevant materials to create new things, much like larger twentieth century movements that include Dada and Pop Art, as well as feminist and postcolonial challenges to the literary canon. Finally, fan fiction partakes in 21st century ideas of social anarchy to create a cultural creative commons of openly shared ideas. Fan Cupidsbow describes strong parallels and cross-connection between all sorts of different movements, from Warhol to opensource, DeviantArt to AMV, fanfiction to mashups, sampling to critique and review. All these things are about how people are interacting with technology every day, and not just digital technology, but pens and paper and clothes and food fusions and everything else. (Cupidsbow LJ, 20 May 2009) Legally, of course, these reuses of collectively shared materials are often treated quite differently, which is why fan fiction advocates often maintain that all remixes be treated equally—regardless of whether their source text is film, TV, literature, or fan fiction. The Archive of Our Own, a project of the Organization for Transformative Works, for example, does not distinguish in its Content and Abuse Policy section between commercial and fan works in regard to plagiarism and copyright. Returning to the initial case of the Stargate Atlantis Mission Report Challenge, we can thus see how the moderator clearly positions herself within a framework that considers all remixes equally remixable. Even after changing the guidelines to require permission for the remixing of existing fan stories, moderator Cesperanza notes that she “remain[s] philosophically committed to the idea that people have the right to make art based on other art provided that due credit is given the original artist” (sga_flashfic LJ, 21 Aug. 2006). Indeed, other fans agree with her position in the ensuing discussions, drawing attention to the hypocrisy of demanding different rules for what appears to be the exact same actions: “So explain to me how you can defend fanfiction as legitimate derivative work if it’s based on one type of source material (professional writing or TV shows), yet decry it as ‘stealing’ and plagiarism if it’s based on another type of source material (fanfiction)” (Marythefan LJ, 21 Aug. 2006). Many fans assert that all remixes should be tolerated by the creators of their respective source texts—be they pro or fan. Fans expect Rowling to be accepting of Harry Potter’s underage romance with a nice and insecure Severus Snape, and they expect Matthew Weiner to be accepting of stories that kill off Don Draper and have his (ex)wives join a commune together. So fans should equally accept fan fiction that presents the grand love of Rodney McKay and John Sheppard, the most popular non-canonical fan fiction pairing on Stargate Atlantis, to be transformed into an abusive and manipulative relationship or rewritten with one of them dying tragically. Lydiabell, for example, argues that “there’s [no]thing wrong with creating a piece of art that uses elements of another work to create something new, always assuming that proper credit is given to the original... even if your interpretation is at odds with everything the original artist wanted to convey” (Lydiabell LJ, 22 Aug. 2006). Transforming works can often move them into territory that is critical of the source text, mocks the source text, rearranges relationships, and alters characterisations. It is here that we reach the central issue of this article: many fans indeed do view intrafandom interactions as fundamentally different to their interactions with professional authors or commercial entertainment companies. While everyone agrees that there are no legal, economic, or even ultimately moral arguments to be made against remixing fan fiction (because any such argument would nullify the fan’s right to create their fan fiction in the first place), the discourses against open remixing tend to revolve around community norms, politeness, and respect. How Fannish Remixes Are Not like Fan Fiction At the heart of the debate lie issues of community norms: taking another fan’s stories as the basis for one’s own fiction is regarded as a violation of manners, at least the way certain sections of the community define them. This, in fact, is not unlike the way many fan academics engage with fandom research. While it may be perfectly legal to directly cite fans’ blog posts, and while it may even be in compliance with institutional ethical research requirements (such as Internal Review Boards at U.S. universities), the academic fan writing about her own community may indeed choose to take extra precautions to protect herself and that community. As Kristina Busse and Karen Hellekson have argued, fan studies often exists at the intersection of language and social studies, and thus written text may simultaneously be treated as artistic works and as utterances by human subjects (“Identity”). In this essay (and elsewhere), we thus limit direct linking into fannish spaces, instead giving site, date, and author, and we have consent from all fans we cite in this essay. The community of fans who write fic in a particular fandom is relatively small, and most of them are familiar with each other, or can trace a connection via one or two degrees of separation only. While writing fan fiction about Harry Potter may influence the way you and your particular circle of friends interpret the novels, it is unlikely to affect the overall reception of the work. During the remix debate, fan no_pseud articulates the differing power dynamic: When someone bases fanfic on another piece of fanfic, the balance of power in the relationship between the two things is completely different to the relationship between a piece of fanfic and the canon source. The two stories have exactly equal authority, exactly equal validity, exactly equal ‘reality’ in fandom. (nopseud LJ, 21 Aug. 2006) Within fandom, there are few stories that have the kind of reach that professional fiction does, and it is just as likely that a fan will come across an unauthorised remix of a piece of fan fiction as the original piece itself. In that way, the reception of fan fiction is more fragile, and fans are justifiably anxious about it. In a recent conversation about proper etiquette within Glee fandom, fan writer flaming_muse articulates her reasons for expecting different behavior from fandom writers who borrow ideas from each other: But there’s a huge difference between fanfic of media and fanfic of other fanfic authors. Part of it is a question of the relationship of the author to the source material … but part of it is just about not hurting or diminishing the other creative people around you. We aren’t hurting Glee by writing fic in their ‘verse; we are hurting other people if we write fanfic of fanfic. We’re taking away what’s special about their particular stories and all of the work they put into them. (Stoney321 LJ, 12 Feb. 2012)Flaming_muse brings together several concepts but underlying all is a sense of community. Thus she equates remixing within the community without permission as a violation of fannish etiquette. The sense of community also plays a role in another reason given by fans who prefer permission, which is the actual ease of getting it. Many fandoms are fairly small communities, which makes it more possible to ask for permission before doing a translation, adaptation, or other kind of rewrite of another person’s fic. Often a fan may have already given feedback to the story or shared some form of conversation with the writer, so that requesting permission seems fairly innocuous. Moreover, fandom is a community based on the economy of gifting and sharing (Hellekson), so that etiquette becomes that much more important. Unlike pro authors who are financially reimbursed for their works, feedback is effectively a fan writer’s only payment. Getting comments, kudos, or recommendations for their stories are ways in which readers reward and thank the writers for their work. Many fans feel that a gift economy functions only through the goodwill of all its participants, which remixing without permission violates. How Fan Writing May Differ From Pro Writing Fans have a different emotional investment in their creations, only partially connected to writing solely for love (as opposed to professional writers who may write for love but also write for their livelihood in the best-case scenarios). One fan, who writes both pro and fan fiction, describes her more distanced emotional involvement with her professional writing as follows, When I’m writing for money, I limit my emotional investment in the material I produce. Ultimately what I am producing does not belong to me. Someone else is buying it and I am serving their needs, not my own. (St_Crispins LJ, 27 Aug. 2006)The sense of writing for oneself as part of a community also comes through in a comment by pro and fan writer Matociquala, who describes the specificity and often quite limited audience of fan fiction as follows: Fanfiction is written in the expectation of being enjoyed in an open membership but tight-knit community, and the writer has an expectation of being included in the enjoyment and discussion. It is the difference, in other words, between throwing a fair on the high road, and a party in a back yard. Sure, you might be able to see what’s going on from the street, but you’re expected not to stare. (Matociquala LJ, 18 May 2006)What we find important here is the way both writers seem to suggest that fan fiction allows for a greater intimacy and immediacy on the whole. So while not all writers write to fulfill (their own or other’s) emotional and narrative desires, this seems to be more acceptable in fan fiction. Intimacy, i.e., the emotional and, often sexual, openness and vulnerability readers and writers exhibit in the stories and surrounding interaction, can thus constitute a central aspect for readers and writers alike. Again, none of these aspects are particular to fan fiction alone, but, unlike in much other writing, they are such a central component that the stories divorced from their context—textual, social, and emotional—may not be fully comprehensible. In a discussion several years ago, Ellen Fremedon coined the term Id Vortex, by which she refers to that very tailored and customised writing that caters to the writers’ and/or readers’ kinks, that creates stories that not only move us emotionally because we already care about the characters but also because it uses tropes, characterisations, and scenes that appeal very viscerally: In fandom, we’ve all got this agreement to just suspend shame. I mean, a lot of what we write is masturbation material, and we all know it, and so we can’t really pretend that we’re only trying to write for our readers’ most rarefied sensibilities, you know? We all know right where the Id Vortex is, and we have this agreement to approach it with caution, but without any shame at all. (Ellen Fremedon LJ, 2 Dec. 2004)Writing stories for a particular sexual kink may be the most obvious way fans tailor stories to their own (or others’) desires, but in general, fan stories often seem to be more immediate, more intimate, more revealing than most published writing. This attachment is only strengthened by fans’ immense emotional attachment to the characters, as they may spend years if not decades rewatching their show, discussing all its details, and reading and writing stories upon stories. From Community to Commons These norms and mores continue to evolve as fannish activity becomes more and more visible to the mainstream, and new generations of fans enter fandom within a culture where media is increasingly spreadable across social networks and all fannish activity is collectively described and recognised as “fandom” (Jenkins, Ford, and Green). The default mode of the mainstream often treats “found” material as disseminable, and interfaces encourage such engagement by inviting users to “share” on their collection of social networks. As a result, many new fans see remixing as not only part of their fannish right, but engage in their activity on platforms that make sharing with or without attribution both increasingly easy and normative. Tumblr is the most recent and obvious example of a platform in which reblogging other users’ posts, with or without commentary, is the normative mode. Instead of (or in addition to) uploading one’s story to an archive, a fan writer might post it on Tumblr and consider reblogs as another form of feedback. In fact, our case study and its associated differentiation of legal, moral, and artistic justifications for and against remixing fan works, may indeed be an historical artifact in its own right: media fandom as a small and well-defined community of fans with a common interest and a shared history is the exception rather than the norm in today’s fan culture. When access to stories and other fans required personal initiation, it was easy to teach and enforce a community ethos. Now, however, fan fiction tops Google searches for strings that include both Harry and Draco or Spock and Uhura, and fan art is readily reblogged by sites for shows ranging from MTV’s Teen Wolf to NBC’s Hannibal. Our essay thus must be understood as a brief glimpse into the internal debates of media fans at a particular historical juncture: showcasing not only the clear separation media fan writers make between professional and fan works, but also the strong ethos that online communities can hold and defend—if only for a little while. References Boyle, James. The Public Domain: Enclosing the Commons of the Mind. Ithaca: Yale University Press, 2008. Busker, Rebecca Lucy. “On Symposia: LiveJournal and the Shape of Fannish Discourse.” Transformative Works and Cultures 1 (2008). http://journal.transformativeworks.org/index.php/twc/article/view/49. Busse, Kristina, and Karen Hellekson. “Work in Progress.” In Karen Hellekson and Kristina Busse, eds., Fan Fiction and Fan Communities in the Age of the Internet: New Essays. Jefferson, N.C.: McFarland, 2006. 5–40. Busse, Kristina, and Karen Hellekson. “Identity, Ethics, and Fan Privacy.” In Katherine Larsen and Lynn Zubernis, eds., Fan Culture: Theory/Practice. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2012. 38-56. Chander, Anupam, and Madhavi Sunder. “Everyone’s a Superhero: A Cultural Theory of ‘Mary Sue’ Fan Fiction as Fair Use.” California Law Review 95 (2007): 597-626. Coppa, Francesca. “A Brief History of Media Fandom.” In Karen Hellekson and Kristina Busse, eds., Fan Fiction and Fan Communities in the Age of the Internet: New Essays. Jefferson, N.C.: McFarland, 2006. 41–59. Fiesler, Casey. “Everything I Need to Know I Learned from Fandom: How Existing Social Norms Can Help Shape the Next Generation of User-Generated Content.” Vanderbilt Journal of Entertainment and Technology Law 10 (2008): 729-62. Gabaldon, Diana. “Fan Fiction and Moral Conundrums.” Voyages of the Artemis. Blog. 3 May 2010. 7 May 2010 http://voyagesoftheartemis.blogspot.com/2010/05/fan-fiction-and-moral-conundrums.html. Hellekson, Karen. “A Fannish Field of Value: Online Fan Gift Culture.” Cinema Journal 48.4 (2009): 113–18. Hobbs, Robin. “The Fan Fiction Rant.” Robin Hobb’s Home. 2005. 14 May 2006 http://www.robinhobb.com/rant.html. Jenkins, Henry, Sam Ford, and Joshua Green. Spreadable Media: Creating Value and Meaning in a Networked Culture. New York: New York University Press, 2013. Katyal, Sonia. “Performance, Property, and the Slashing of Gender in Fan Fiction.” Journal of Gender, Social Policy, and the Law 14 (2006): 463-518. Lessig, Lawrence. Remix: Making Art and Commerce Thrive in a Hybrid Economy. New York: Penguin, 2008. Mann, Denise. “It’s Not TV, It’s Brand Management.” In Vicki Mayer, Miranda Banks, and John Thornton Caldwell, eds., Production Studies: Cultural Studies of Media Industries. New York: Routledge, 2009. 99-114. Martin, George R.R. “Someone is Angry on the Internet.” LiveJournal. 7 May 2010. 15 May 2013. http://grrm.livejournal.com/151914.html. McCardle, Meredith. “Fandom, Fan Fiction and Fanfare: What’s All the Fuss?” Boston University Journal of Science and Technology Law 9 (2003): 443-68. Rice, Anne. “Important Message From Anne on ‘Fan Fiction’.” n.d. 15 May 2013. http://www.annerice.com/readerinteraction-messagestofans.html. Scott, Suzanne. “Repackaging Fan Culture: The Regifting Economy of Ancillary Content Models.” Transformative Works and Cultures 3 (2009). http://dx.doi.org/10.3983/twc.2009.0150. Sellors, C. Paul. Film Authorship: Auteurs and Other Myths. London: Wallflower, 2010. Tushnet, Rebecca. “Copyright Law, Fan Practices, and the Rights of the Author.” In Jonathan Gray, Cornel Sandvoss, and C. Lee Harrington, eds., Fandom: Identities and Communities in a Mediated World. New York: New York University Press, 2007. 60-71.

Abstract:

Unlike some current discourse on automediality, this essay eschews most of the analysis concerning the adoption or modification of avatars to deliberately enhance, extend or distort the self. Rather than the automedial enabling of alternative, virtual selves modified by playful, confronting or disarming avatars we concentrate instead on emerging efforts to present the self in hyper-realist, interactive modes. In doing so we ask, what is the relationship between traumatic forms of automediation and the affective impact on and response of the audience? We argue that, while on the one hand there are promising avenues for valuable individual and social engagements with traumatic forms of automediation, there is an overwhelming predominance of suffering as a theme in such virtual depictions, comingled with uncritically asserted promises of empathy, which are problematic as the technology assumes greater mainstream uptake.As Smith and Watson note, embodiment is always a “translation” where the body is “dematerialized” in virtual representation (“Virtually” 78). Past scholarship has analysed the capacity of immersive realms, such as Second Life or online games, to highlight how users can modify their avatars in often spectacular, non-human forms. Critics of this mode of automediality note that users can adopt virtually any persona they like (racial, religious, gendered and sexual, human, animal or hybrid, and of any age), behaving as “identity tourists” while occupying virtual space or inhabiting online communities (Nakamura). Furthermore, recent work by Jaron Lanier, a key figure from the 1980s period of early Virtual Reality (VR) technology, has also explored so-called “homuncular flexibility” which describes the capacity for humans to seemingly adapt automatically to the control mechanisms of an avatar with multiple legs, other non-human appendages, or for two users to work in tandem to control a single avatar (Won et. al.). But this article is concerned less with these single or multi-player online environments and the associated concerns over modifying interactive identities. We are principally interested in other automedial modes where the “auto” of autobiography is automated via Artificial Intelligences (AIs) to convincingly mimic human discourse as narrated life-histories.We draw from case studies promoted by the 2017 season of ABC television’s flagship science program, Catalyst, which opened with semi-regular host and biological engineer Dr Jordan Nguyen, proclaiming in earnest, almost religious fervour: “I want to do something that has long been a dream. I want to create a copy of a human. An avatar. And it will have a life of its own in virtual reality.” As the camera followed Nguyen’s rapid pacing across real space he extolled: “Virtual reality, virtual human, they push the limits of the imagination and help us explore the impossible […] I want to create a virtual copy of a person. A digital addition to the family, using technology we have now.”The troubling implications of such rhetoric were stark and the next third of the program did little to allay such techno-scientific misgivings. Directed and produced by David Symonds, with Nguyen credited as co-developer and presenter, the episode “Meet the Avatars” immediately introduced scenarios where “volunteers” entered a pop-up inner city virtual lab, to experience VR for the first time. The volunteers were shown on screen subjected to a range of experimental VR environments designed to elicit fear and/or adverse and disorienting responses such as vertigo, while the presenter and researchers from Sydney University constantly smirked and laughed at their participants’ discomfort. We can only wonder what the ethics process was for both the ABC and university researchers involved in these broadcast experiments. There is little doubt that the participant/s experienced discomfort, if not distress, and that was televised to a national audience. Presenter Nguyen was also shown misleading volunteers on their way to the VR lab, when one asked “You’re not going to chuck us out of a virtual plane are you?” to which Nguyen replied “I don't know what we’re going to do yet,” when it was next shown that they immediately underwent pre-programmed VR exposure scenarios, including a fear of falling exercise from atop a city skyscraper.The sweat-inducing and heart rate-racing exposures to virtual plank walks high above a cityscape, or seeing subjects haptically viewing spiders crawl across their outstretched virtual hands, all elicited predictable responses, showcased as carnivalesque entertainment for the viewing audience. As we will see, this kind of trivialising of a virtual environment’s capacity for immersion belies the serious use of the technology in a range of treatments for posttraumatic stress disorder (see Rizzo and Koenig; Rothbaum, Rizzo and Difede).Figure 1: Nguyen and researchers enjoying themselves as their volunteers undergo VR exposure Defining AutomedialityIn their pioneering 2008 work, Automedialität: Subjektkonstitution in Schrift, Bild und neuen Medien, Jörg Dünne and Christian Moser coined the term “automediality” to problematise the production, application and distribution of autobiographic modes across various media and genres—from literary texts to audiovisual media and from traditional expression to inter/transmedia and remediated formats. The concept of automediality was deployed to counter the conventional critical exclusion of analysis of the materiality/technology used for an autobiographical purpose (Gernalzick). Dünne and Moser proffered a concept of automediality that rejects the binary division of (a) self-expression determining the mediated form or (b) (self)subjectivity being solely produced through the mediating technology. Hence, automediality has been traditionally applied to literary constructs such as autobiography and life-writing, but is now expanding into the digital domain and other “paratextual sites” (Maguire).As Nadja Gernalzick suggests, automediality should “encourage and demand not only a systematics and taxonomy of the constitution of the self in respectively genre-specific ways, but particularly also in medium-specific ways” (227). Emma Maguire has offered a succinct working definition that builds on this requirement to signal the automedial universally, noting it operates asa way of studying auto/biographical texts (of a variety of forms) that take into account how the effects of media shape the kinds of selves that can be represented, and which understands the self not as a preexisting subject that might be distilled into story form but as an entity that is brought into being through the processes of mediation.Sidonie Smith and Julia Watson point to automediality as a methodology, and in doing so emphasize how the telling or mediation of a life actually shapes the kind of story that can be told autobiographically. They state “media cannot simply be conceptualized as ‘tools’ for presenting a preexisting, essential self […] Media technologies do not just transparently present the self. They constitute and expand it” (Smith and Watson “Virtually Me” 77).This distinction is vital for understanding how automediality might be applied to self-expression in virtual domains, including the holographic avatar dreams of Nguyen throughout Catalyst. Although addressing this distinction in relation to online websites, following P. David Marshall’s description of “the proliferation of the public self”, Maguire notes:The same integration of digital spaces and platforms into daily life that is prompting the development of new tools in autobiography studies […] has also given rise to the field of persona studies, which addresses the ways in which individuals engage in practices of self-presentation in order to form commoditised identities that circulate in affective communities.For Maguire, these automedial works operate textually “to construct the authorial self or persona”.An extension to this digital, authorial construction is apparent in the exponential uptake of screen mediated prosumer generated content, whether online or theatrical (Miller). According to Gernalzick, unlike fictional drama films, screen autobiographies more directly enable “experiential temporalities”. Based on Mary Anne Doane’s promotion of the “indexicality” of film/screen representations to connote the real, Gernalzick suggests that despite semiotic theories of the index problematising realism as an index as representation, the film medium is still commonly comprehended as the “imprint of time itself”:Film and the spectator of film are said to be in a continuous present. Because the viewer is aware, however, that the images experienced in or even as presence have been made in the past, the temporality of the so-called filmic present is always ambiguous” (230).When expressed as indexical, automedial works, the intrinsic audio-visual capacities of film and video (as media) far surpass the temporal limitations of print and writing (Gernalzick, 228). One extreme example can be found in an emergent trend of “performance crime” murder and torture videos live-streamed or broadcast after the fact using mobile phone cameras and FaceBook (Bender). In essence, the political economy of the automedial ecology is important to understand in the overall context of self expression and the governance of content exhibition, access, distribution and—where relevant—interaction.So what are the implications for automedial works that employ virtual interfaces and how does this evolving medium inform both the expressive autobiographical mode and audiences subjectivities?Case StudyThe Catalyst program described above strove to shed new light on the potential for emerging technology to capture and create virtual avatars from living participants who (self-)generate autobiographical narratives interactively. Once past the initial gee-wiz journalistic evangelism of VR, the episode turned towards host Nguyen’s stated goal—using contemporary technology to create an autonomous virtual human clone. Nguyen laments that if he could create only one such avatar, his primary choice would be that of his grandfather who died when Nguyen was two years old—a desire rendered impossible. The awkward humour of the plank walk scenario sequence soon gives way as the enthusiastic Nguyen is surprised by his family’s discomfort with the idea of digitally recreating his grandfather.Nguyen next visits a Southern California digital media lab to experience the process by which 3D virtual human avatars are created. Inside a domed array of lights and cameras, in less than one second a life-size 3D avatar is recorded via 6,000 LEDs illuminating his face in 20 different combinations, with eight cameras capturing the exposures from multiple angles, all in ultra high definition. Called the Light Stage (Debevec), it is the same technology used to create a life size, virtual holocaust survivor, Pinchas Gutter (Ziv).We see Nguyen encountering a life-size, high-resolution 2D screen version of Gutter’s avatar. Standing before a microphone, Nguyen asks a series of questions about Gutter’s wartime experiences and life in the concentration camps. The responses are naturalistic and authentic, as are the pauses between questions. The high definition 4K screen is photo-realist but much more convincing in-situ (as an artifact of the Catalyst video camera recording, in some close-ups horizontal lines of transmission appear). According to the project’s curator, David Traum, the real Pinchas Gutter was recorded in 3D as a virtual holograph. He spent 25 hours providing 1,600 responses to a broad range of questions that the curator maintained covered “a lot of what people want to say” (Catalyst).Figure 2: The Museum of Jewish Heritage in Manhattan presented an installation of New Dimensions in Testimony, featuring Pinchas Gutter and Eva SchlossIt is here that the intersection between VR and auto/biography hybridise in complex and potentially difficult ways. It is where the concept of automediality may offer insight into this rapidly emerging phenomenon of creating interactive, hyperreal versions of our selves using VR. These hyperreal VR personae can be questioned and respond in real-time, where interrogators interact either as casual conversers or determined interrogators.The impact on visitors is sobering and palpable. As Nguyen relates at the end of his session, “I just want to give him a hug”. The demonstrable capacity for this avatar to engender a high degree of empathy from its automedial testimony is clear, although as we indicate below, it could simply indicate increased levels of emotion.Regardless, an ongoing concern amongst witnesses, scholars and cultural curators of memorials and museums dedicated to preserving the history of mass violence, and its associated trauma, is that once the lived experience and testimony of survivors passes with that generation the impact of the testimony diminishes (Broderick). New media modes of preserving and promulgating such knowledge in perpetuity are certainly worthy of embracing. As Stephen Smith, the executive director of the USC Shoah Foundation suggests, the technology could extendto people who have survived cancer or catastrophic hurricanes […] from the experiences of soldiers with post-traumatic stress disorder or survivors of sexual abuse, to those of presidents or great teachers. Imagine if a slave could have told her story to her grandchildren? (Ziv)Yet questions remain as to the veracity of these recorded personae. The avatars are created according to a specific agenda and the autobiographical content controlled for explicit editorial purposes. It is unclear what and why material has been excluded. If, for example, during the recorded questioning, the virtual holocaust survivor became mute at recollecting a traumatic memory, cried or sobbed uncontrollably—all natural, understandable and authentic responses given the nature of the testimony—should these genuine and spontaneous emotions be included along with various behavioural ticks such as scratching, shifting about in the seat and other naturalistic movements, to engender a more profound realism?The generation of the photorealist, mimetic avatar—remaining as an interactive persona long after the corporeal, authorial being is gone—reinforces Baudrillard’s concept of simulacra, where a clone exists devoid of its original entity and unable to challenge its automedial discourse. And what if some unscrupulous hacker managed to corrupt and subvert Gutter’s AI so that it responded antithetically to its purpose, by denying the holocaust ever happened? The ethical dilemmas of such a paradigm were explored in the dystopian 2013 film, The Congress, where Robyn Wright plays herself (and her avatar), as an out of work actor who sells off the rights to her digital self. A movie studio exploits her screen persona in perpetuity, enabling audiences to “become” and inhabit her avatar in virtual space while she is limited in the real world from undertaking certain actions due to copyright infringement. The inability of Wright to control her mimetic avatar’s discourse or action means the assumed automedial agency of her virtual self as an immortal, interactive being remains ontologically perplexing.Figure 3: Robyn Wright undergoing a full body photogrammetry to create her VR avatar in The Congress (2013)The various virtual exposures/experiences paraded throughout Catalyst’s “Meet the Avatars” paradoxically recorded and broadcast a range of troubling emotional responses to such immersion. Many participant responses suggest great caution and sensitivity be undertaken before plunging headlong into the new gold rush mentality of virtual reality, augmented reality, and AI affordances. Catalyst depicted their program subjects often responding in discomfort and distress, with some visibly overwhelmed by their encounters and left crying. There is some irony that presenter Ngyuen was himself relying on the conventions of 2D linear television journalism throughout, adopting face-to-camera address in (unconscious) automedial style to excitedly promote the assumed socio-cultural boon such automedial VR avatars will generate.Challenging AuthenticityThere are numerous ethical considerations surrounding the potential for AIs to expand beyond automedial (self-)expression towards photorealist avatars interacting outside of their pre-recorded content. When such systems evolve it may be neigh impossible to discern on screen whether the person you are conversing with is authentic or an indistinguishable, virtual doppelganger. In the future, a variant on the Turning Test may be needed to challenge and identify such hyperreal simulacra. We may be witnessing the precursor to such a dilemma playing out in the arena of audio-only podcasts, with some public intellectuals such as Sam Harris already discussing the legal and ethical problems from technology that can create audio from typed text that convincingly replicate the actual voice of a person by sampling approximately 30 minutes of their original speech (Harris). Such audio manipulation technology will soon be available to anybody with the motivation and relatively minor level of technological ability in order to assume an identity and masquerade as automediated dialogue. However, for the moment, the ability to convincingly alter a real-time computer generated video image of a person remains at the level of scientific innovation.Also of significance is the extent to which the audience reactions to such automediated expressions are indeed empathetic or simply part of the broader range of affective responses that also include direct sympathy as well as emotions such as admiration, surprise, pity, disgust and contempt (see Plantinga). There remains much rhetorical hype surrounding VR as the “ultimate empathy machine” (Milk). Yet the current use of the term “empathy” in VR, AI and automedial forms of communication seems to be principally focused on the capacity for the user-viewer to ameliorate negatively perceived emotions and experiences, whether traumatic or phobic.When considering comments about authenticity here, it is important to be aware of the occasional slippage of technological terminology into the mainstream. For example, the psychological literature does emphasise that patients respond strongly to virtual scenarios, events, and details that appear to be “authentic” (Pertaub, Slater, and Barker). Authentic in this instance implies a resemblance to a corresponding scenario/activity in the real world. This is not simply another word for photorealism, but rather it describes for instance the experimental design of one study in which virtual (AI) audience members in a virtual seminar room designed to treat public speaking anxiety were designed to exhibit “random autonomous behaviours in real-time, such as twitches, blinks, and nods, designed to encourage the illusion of life” (Kwon, Powell and Chalmers 980). The virtual humans in this study are regarded as having greater authenticity than an earlier project on social anxiety (North, North, and Coble) which did not have much visual complexity but did incorporate researcher-triggered audio clips of audience members “laughing, making comments, encouraging the speaker to speak louder or more clearly” (Kwon, Powell, and Chalmers 980). The small movements, randomly cued rather than according to a recognisable pattern, are described by the researchers as creating a sense of authenticity in the VR environment as they seem to correspond to the sorts of random minor movements that actual human audiences in a seminar can be expected to make.Nonetheless, nobody should regard an interaction with these AIs, or the avatar of Gutter, as in any way an encounter with a real person. Rather, the characteristics above function to create a disarming effect and enable the real person-viewer to willingly suspend their disbelief and enter into a pseudo-relationship with the AI; not as if it is an actual relationship, but as if it is a simulation of an actual relationship (USC). Lucy Suchman and colleagues invoke these ideas in an analysis of a YouTube video of some apparently humiliating human interactions with the MIT created AI-robot Mertz. Their analysis contends that, while it may appear on first glance that the humans’ mocking exchange with Mertz are mean-spirited, there is clearly a playfulness and willingness to engage with a form of AI that is essentially continuous with “long-standing assumptions about communication as information processing, and in the robot’s performance evidence for the limits to the mechanical reproduction of interaction as we know it through computational processes” (Suchman, Roberts, and Hird).Thus, it will be important for future work in the area of automediated testimony to consider the extent to which audiences are willing to suspend disbelief and treat the recounted traumatic experience with appropriate gravitas. These questions deserve attention, and not the kind of hype displayed by the current iteration of techno-evangelism. Indeed, some of this resurgent hype has come under scrutiny. From the perspective of VR-based tourism, Janna Thompson has recently argued that “it will never be a substitute for encounters with the real thing” (Thompson). Alyssa K. Loh, for instance, also argues that many of the negatively themed virtual experiences—such as those that drop the viewer into a scene of domestic violence or the location of a terrorist bomb attack—function not to put you in the position of the actual victim but in the position of the general category of domestic violence victim, or bomb attack victim, thus “deindividuating trauma” (Loh).Future work in this area should consider actual audience responses and rely upon mixed-methods research approaches to audience analysis. In an era of alt.truth and Cambridge Analytics personality profiling from social media interaction, automediated communication in the virtual guise of AIs demands further study.ReferencesAnon. “New Dimensions in Testimony.” Museum of Jewish Heritage. 15 Dec. 2017. 19 Apr. 2018 <http://mjhnyc.org/exhibitions/new-dimensions-in-testimony/>.Australian Broadcasting Corporation. “Meet The Avatars.” Catalyst, 15 Aug. 2017.Baudrillard, Jean. “Simulacra and Simulations.” Jean Baudrillard: Selected Writings. Ed. Mark Poster. Stanford: Stanford UP, 1988. 166-184.Bender, Stuart Marshall. Legacies of the Degraded Image in Violent Digital Media. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017.Broderick, Mick. “Topographies of Trauma, Dark Tourism and World Heritage: Hiroshima’s Genbaku Dome.” Intersections: Gender and Sexuality in Asia and the Pacific. 24 Apr. 2010. 14 Apr. 2018 <http://intersections.anu.edu.au/issue24/broderick.htm>.Debevec, Paul. “The Light Stages and Their Applications to Photoreal Digital Actors.” SIGGRAPH Asia. 2012.Doane, Mary Ann. The Emergence of Cinematic Time: Modernity, Contingency, the Archive. Cambridge: Harvard UP, 2002.Dünne, Jörg, and Christian Moser. “Allgemeine Einleitung: Automedialität”. Automedialität: Subjektkonstitution in Schrift, Bild und neuen Medien. Eds. Jörg Dünne and Christian Moser. München: Wilhelm Fink, 2008. 7-16.Harris, Sam. “Waking Up with Sam Harris #64 – Ask Me Anything.” YouTube, 16 Feb. 2017. 16 Mar. 2018 <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gMTuquaAC4w>.Kwon, Joung Huem, John Powell, and Alan Chalmers. “How Level of Realism Influences Anxiety in Virtual Reality Environments for a Job Interview.” International Journal of Human-Computer Studies 71.10 (2013): 978-87.Loh, Alyssa K. "I Feel You." Artforum, Nov. 2017. 10 Apr. 2018 <https://www.artforum.com/print/201709/alyssa-k-loh-on-virtual-reality-and-empathy-71781>.Marshall, P. David. “Persona Studies: Mapping the Proliferation of the Public Self.” Journalism 15.2 (2014): 153-170.Mathews, Karen. “Exhibit Allows Virtual ‘Interviews’ with Holocaust Survivors.” Phys.org Science X Network, 15 Dec. 2017. 18 Apr. 2018 <https://phys.org/news/2017-09-virtual-holocaust-survivors.html>.Maguire, Emma. “Home, About, Shop, Contact: Constructing an Authorial Persona via the Author Website” M/C Journal 17.9 (2014).Miller, Ken. More than Fifteen Minutes of Fame: The Evolution of Screen Performance. Unpublished PhD Thesis. Murdoch University. 2009.Milk, Chris. “Ted: How Virtual Reality Can Create the Ultimate Empathy Machine.” TED Conferences, LLC. 16 Mar. 2015. <https://www.ted.com/talks/chris_milk_how_virtual_reality_can_create_the_ultimate_empathy_machine>.Nakamura, Lisa. “Cyberrace.” Identity Technologies: Constructing the Self Online. Eds. Anna Poletti and Julie Rak. Madison, Wisconsin: U of Wisconsin P, 2014. 42-54.North, Max M., Sarah M. North, and Joseph R Coble. "Effectiveness of Virtual Environment Desensitization in the Treatment of Agoraphobia." International Journal of Virtual Reality 1.2 (1995): 25-34.Pertaub, David-Paul, Mel Slater, and Chris Barker. “An Experiment on Public Speaking Anxiety in Response to Three Different Types of Virtual Audience.” Presence: Teleoperators and Virtual Environments 11.1 (2002): 68-78.Plantinga, Carl. "Emotion and Affect." The Routledge Companion to Philosophy and Film. Eds. Paisley Livingstone and Carl Plantinga. New York: Routledge, 2009. 86-96.Rizzo, A.A., and Sebastian Koenig. “Is Clinical Virtual Reality Ready for Primetime?” Neuropsychology 31.8 (2017): 877-99.Rothbaum, Barbara O., Albert “Skip” Rizzo, and JoAnne Difede. "Virtual Reality Exposure Therapy for Combat-Related Posttraumatic Stress Disorder." Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences 1208.1 (2010): 126-32.Smith, Sidonie, and Julia Watson. Reading Autobiography: A Guide to Interpreting Life Narratives. 2nd ed. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 2010.———. “Virtually Me: A Toolbox about Online Self-Presentation.” Identity Technologies: Constructing the Self Online. Eds. Anna Poletti and Julie Rak. Madison: U of Wisconsin P, 2014. 70-95.Suchman, Lucy, Celia Roberts, and Myra J. Hird. "Subject Objects." Feminist Theory 12.2 (2011): 119-45.Thompson, Janna. "Why Virtual Reality Cannot Match the Real Thing." The Conversation, 14 Mar. 2018. 10 Apr. 2018 <http://theconversation.com/why-virtual-reality-cannot-match-the-real-thing-92035>.USC. "Skip Rizzo on Medical Virtual Reality: USC Global Conference 2014." YouTube, 28 Oct. 2014. 2 Apr. 2018 <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PdFge2XgDa8>.Won, Andrea Stevenson, Jeremy Bailenson, Jimmy Lee, and Jaron Lanier. "Homuncular Flexibility in Virtual Reality." Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication 20.3 (2015): 241-59.Ziv, Stan. “How Technology Is Keeping Holocaust Survivor Stories Alive Forever”. Newsweek, 18 Oct. 2017. 19 Apr. 2018 <http://www.newsweek.com/2017/10/27/how-technology-keeping-holocaust-survivor-stories-alive-forever-687946.html>.

Abstract:

Introduction: Shock WavesAs I carefully unfold the delicate piece of crisp white paper, three rogue words wildly jump up off the page before sinking deeply into my skin: “Cold and condescending.” A charge of anger surges up my spine, as these words begin to now expand and affectively resonate: “I found the instructor to be cold and condescending.” Somehow, these words impact me both emotionally and physiologically (Brennan 3): my heart beats faster, my body temperature rises, my stomach aches. Yet, despite how awful I feel, I keep on reading, as if compelled by some inexplicable force. It is not long before I devour the entire evaluation—or perhaps it devours me?—reading every last jarring word over and over and over again. And pretty soon, before I can even think about it, I begin to come undone ...How is it possible that an ordinary, everyday object can pull at us, unravel us even? And, how do such objects linger, register intensities, and contribute to our harm or good? In this paper, we draw upon our collective teaching experiences at college and high school level in order to explore how teacher evaluations actively work/ed to orient our bodies in molar and molecular ways (Deleuze and Guattari 3), thereby diminishing or enhancing our capacity to act. We argue that these textual objects are anything but dead and lifeless, and are vitally invested with “thing-power,” which is the “ability of inanimate things to animate, to act, to produce effects dramatic and subtle” (Bennett 6).Rather than producing a linear critique that refuses “affective associations” (Felski para. 6) and the “bodily entanglements of language” (MacLure, Qualitative 1000), we offer up a mobile conversation that pulls readers into an assemblage of (shape)shifting moments they can connect with (Rajchman 4) and question. While we attend to our own affective experiences with teacher evaluations, we wish to disrupt the idea that the self is both autonomous and affectively contained (Brennan 2). Instead, we imagine a self that extends into other bodies, spaces, and things, and highlight how teacher evaluations, as a particular thing, curiously animate (Chen 30) and affect our social worlds—altering our life course for a minute, a day, or perhaps, indefinitely (Stewart 12).* * *“The autobiographical is not the personal. […] Publics presume intimacy” (Berlant, The Female vii). Following Berlant, we propose that our individual narratives are always tangled up in other social bodies and are, therefore, not quite our own. Although we do use the word “I” to recount our specific experiences of teacher evaluations, we by no means wish to suggest that we are self-contained subjects confessing some singular life history or detached truth. Rather, together we examine the tensions, commonalities, possibilities, and threats that encounters with teacher evaluations produce within and around collective bodies (Stewart). We consider the ways in which these material objects seep deeply into our skin, re/animate moving forces (e.g. neoliberalism, patriarchy), and even trigger us emotionally by transporting us back to different times and places (S. Jones 525). And, we write to experiment (Deleuze and Guattari 1; Stewart 1) with the kind of “unpredictable intimacy” that Berlant (Intimacy 281; Structures 191) speaks of. We resist (as best we can) telos-driven tales that do not account for messiness, disorientation, surprise, or wonder (MacLure, Classification 180), as we invite readers to move right along beside (Sedgwick 8) us in this journey to embrace the complexities and implications (Nelson 111; Talburt 93) of teacher evaluations as corporeal matters. The “self” is no match for such affective entanglements (Stewart 58).Getting Un/Stuck “Cold and condescending.” I cannot help but get caught up in these words—no matter how hard I try. A million thoughts begin to bubble up: Am I a good teacher? A bad person? Uncaring? Arrogant? And, just like that, the ordinary turns on me (Stewart 106), triggering intense sensations that refuse to stay buried. What began as my reaction to a teacher evaluation soon becomes something else, somewhere else. Childhood wounds unexpectedly well up—leaking into the present, spreading uncontrollably, causing my body to get stuck in long ago and far away.In a virtual flash (Deleuze and Guattari 94), I am somehow in my grandmother’s kitchen once more, which even now smells of avgolemono soup, warm bread rising, home. Something sparks, as distant memories come flooding back to change my course and set me straight (or so I think). When I was a little girl and could not let something go, my yiayia (grandmother) Vasiliki would tell me, quite simply, to get “unstuck” (ξεκολλά). The Greeks, it seems, know something about the stickiness of affective attachments. Even though it has been over twenty years since my grandmother’s passing, her words, still alive, affectively ring in my ear. Out of some kind of charged habit (Stewart 16), her words now escape my mouth: “ξεκολλά,” I command, “ξεκολλά!” I repeat this phrase so many times that it becomes a mantra, but its magic has sadly lost all effect. No matter what I say or what I do, my body, stuck in repetition, “closes in on itself, unable to transmit its intensities differently” (Grosz 171). In an act of desperation (or perhaps survival), I rip the evaluation to shreds and throw the tattered remains down the trash chute. Yet, my actions prove futile. The evaluation lives on in a kind of afterlife, with its haunting ability to affect where my thoughts will go and what my body can do. And so, my agency—my ability to act, think, become (Deleuze and Guattari 361)—is inextricably twisted up in this evaluation, with its affective capacity to connect many “bodies” at once (both material and semiotic, human and non-human, living and dead).A View from Nowhere?At both college and school-level, formal teacher evaluations promise anonymity. Why is it, though, that students get to be voices without bodies: a voice that does not emerge from a complex, contradictory, and messy body, but rather “from above, from nowhere” (Haraway 589)? Once disembodied, students become god-like (Haraway 589), able to “objectively” dissect, judge, and even criticise teachers, while they themselves receive “panoptic immunity” (MacLure, Classification 168).This immunity has its consequences. Within formal and informal evaluations, students write of and about bodies in ways that often feel violating. Teachers’ bodies become spectacle, and anything goes:“Professor is kinda hot—not bad to look at!”“She dresses like a bag lady. [...] Her hair and clothing need an update.”“There's absolutely nothing redeeming about her as a person [...] but she has nice shoes.”(PrawfsBlog)Amid these affective violations, voices without bodies re/assemble into “voices without organs” (Mazzei 732)—a voice that emanates from an assemblage of bodies, not a singular subject. In this process, patriarchal discourses, as bodies of thought, dangerously spring up and swirl about. The voyeuristic gaze of patriarchy (see de Beauvoir; Mulvey) becomes habitual, shaping our stories, encounters, and sense of self.Female teachers, in particular, cannot deny its pull. The potential to create and/or transmit knowledge turns us into “risky subjects” in need of constant surveillance (Falter 29). Teacher evaluations do their part. As a metaphoric panopticon (see Foucault), they transform female teachers into passive spectacles—objects of the gaze—and students into active spectators who have “all the power to determine our teaching success” (Falter 30). The effects linger, do real damage (Stewart), and cause our pedagogical performances to fail every now and then. After all, a “good” female teacher is also a “good female subject” who is called upon to impart knowledge in ways that do not betray her otherwise feminine or motherly “nature” (Falter 28). This pressure to be both knowledgeable and nurturing, while displaying a “visible fragility [...] a kind of conventional feminine vulnerability” (McRobbie 79), pervades the social and is intense. Although it is not easy to navigate, the fact that unrecognisable bodies are subject to punishment (Butler, Performative 528) helps keep power dynamics firmly in place. These forces permeate my body, as well, making me “cold” and “unfair” in one evaluation and “kind” and “sweet” in another—but rarely smart or intelligent. Like clockwork, this bodily visibility and regulation brings with it never-ending self-critique and self-discipline (Harris 9). Absorbing these swarming intensities, I begin to question my capacity to effectively teach and form relationships with my students. Days later, weeks later, years later, I continue to wonder: if even one student leaves my class feeling “bad,” do I have any business being a teacher? Ugh, the docile, good girl (Harris 19) rears her ugly (or is it pretty?) head once again. TranscorporealityEven though the summer sun invites me in, I spend the whole day at home, in bed, unable to move. At one point, a friend arrives, forcing me to get up and get out. We grab a bite to eat, and it is not long before I confess my deepest fear: that my students are right about me, that these evaluations somehow mark me as a horrible teacher and person. She seems surprised that I would let a few comments defeat me and asks me what this is really all about. I shrug my shoulders, unwilling to go there.Later that night, I find myself re-reading my spring evaluations online. The positive ones electrify the screen, filling me with joy, as the constructive ones get me brainstorming about ways I might do things differently. And while I treasure these comments, I do not focus too much on them. Instead, I spend most of the evening replaying a series of negative tapes over and over in my head. Somewhat defeated, I slip slowly back into my bed and find that it surprisingly offers me a kind of comfort that my friend does not. I wonder, “What body am I now in the arms of” (Chen 202)? The bed and I become “interporous” (Chen 203), intimate even. There is much solace in the darkness of those lively, billowy blue covers: a peculiar solace made possible by these evaluations—a thing which compels me to find comfort somewhere, anywhere, beyond the human body.The GhostAs a high school teacher, I was accustomed to being reviewed. Some reviews were posted onto the website ratemyteacher.com, a platform of anonymously submitted reviews of kindergarten through 12th-grade teachers on easiness, helpfulness, clarity, knowledge, textbook use, and exam difficulty. Others were less official; irate commentary posted on social media platforms or baldly concise characterisations of our teaching styles that circulated among students and bounded back to us as hearsay and whispered asides. In these reviews, our teacher-selves were constructed: One became the easy teacher, the mean teacher, the fun teacher, or the hard-but-good teacher. The teacher who could not control her class; the teacher who controlled her class excessively.Sometimes, we googled ourselves because it was tempting to do so (and near-impossible not to). One day, I searched various forms of my name followed by the name of the school. One of my students, a girl with hot pink streaks in her hair and pointy studs shooting out of her belt and necklaces, had written a complaint on Facebook about a submission of a final writing portfolio. The student wrote on the publicly visible wall of another student in my class, noting how much she still had left to do on the assignment. Dotting the observation with expletives, she bemoaned the portfolio as requiring too much work. Then, she observed that I had an oily complexion and wrote that I was a “dyke.” After I read the comment, I closed my laptop and an icy wave passed through me. That night, I went to dinner with friends. I ruminated aloud over the comments: How could this student—with whom I had thought I had a good relationship—write about me in such a derisive manner? And what, in particular, about my appearance conveyed that I was lesbian? My friends laughed; they found the student’s comments funny and indicative of the blunt astuteness of teenagers. As I thought about the comments, I realised the pain lay in the comments’ specificity. They demonstrated the ability of the student to perceive and observe a bodily attribute about which I was particularly insecure. It made me wonder about the countless other eyes and glances directed at me each day, taking in, noticing, and dissecting my bodily self (McRobbie 63).The next morning, before school, I stared at myself in the bathroom mirror and dabbed toner on my skin. Today, I thought, today will be a day in which both my skin texture and my lesson plans will be in good order. After this day, I could no longer bring myself to look this student directly in the eye. I was officious in our interactions. I read her poetry and essays with guarded ambivalence. I decided that I would no longer google myself. I would no longer click on links that were pointedly reviews of me as a teacher.The reviewed-self is a ghost-self. It is a shadow, an underbelly. The comments—perhaps posted in a moment of anger or frustration—linger. Years later, though I have left full-time classroom teaching, I still think about them. I have not recovered from the comments though I should, apparently, have already recuperated from their sharp effects. I wonder if the reviews will ceaselessly follow me, if they will shape the impressions of those who google me, if my reviewed-self will become the first and most formidable impression of those who might come to know me, if my reviewed-self will be the lasting and most formidable way I see myself.Trigger Happy In 2014, a teacher at a California public high school posts a comment on Twitter about wishing to pour coffee on her students. Some of her students this year, she writes, make her “trigger finger itchy” (see Oakley). She already “wants to stab” them a mere two weeks into the school year. “Is that bad?” she asks. One of her colleagues screen-captures her tweets and sends them to the school principal and to a local newspaper. They go viral, resulting in widespread condemnation on the Internet. She is named the “worst teacher ever” by one online media outlet (Parker). The media swarm the school. The reporters interview parents in minivans who are picking up their children from school. One parent, from behind the steering wheel, expresses her disapproval of the teacher. She says, “As a teacher, I think she should be held to a higher accountability than other people” (Louie). In the comments section of an article, a commenter declares that the “mutant should be fired” (Oakley). Others are more forgiving. They cite their boyfriends and sisters who are teachers and who also air grievances, though somewhat less violently and in the privacy of their homes (A. Jones). All teachers have these thoughts, some of the commenters argue, they just are not stupid enough to tweet them.In her own defence, the teacher tells a local paper that she “never expected anyone would take me seriously” (Oakley). As a teacher, she is often “forced to cultivate a ‘third-person consciousness,’ to be an ‘objectified subject’” (Chen 33) on display, so can we really blame her? If she had thought people would take her seriously, “you'd better believe I would have been much more careful with what I've said” (Oakley). The students are the least offended party because, as their teacher had hoped, they do not take her tweets seriously. In fact, they are “laughing it off,” according to a local news channel (Newark Teacher). In a news interview, one female student says she finds the teacher’s tweets humorous. They are fond of this teacher and believe she cares about her students. Seemingly, they do not mind that their teacher—jokingly, of course—harbours homicidal thoughts about them or that she wishes to splash hot coffee in their faces.There is a certain wisdom in the teacher’s observational, if foolhardy, tweeting. In a tweet tagged #secretlyhateyou, the teacher explains that while students may have their own negative feelings towards their teachers, teachers also have such feelings for their students. But, she tweets, “We are just not allowed to show it” (Oakley). At parties and social gatherings, we perform the cheerful educator by leaving our bodies at the door and giving into “the politics of emotion, the unwritten rules that feelings are to be ‘privatised’ and ‘pathologised’ rather than aired” (Thiel 39). At times, we are allowed a certain level of dissatisfaction, an eye roll or shrug of the shoulders, a whimsical, breathy sigh: “Oh you know! Kids today! Instagram! Sexting!” But we cannot express dislike for our own students.One evening, I was on the train with a friend who does not work as a teacher. We observed a pack of teenagers, screaming and grabbing at each other’s cell phones. The friend said, “Aren’t they so fascinating, teenagers?” Grumpily, I disagreed. On that day, no, I was not fascinated by teenagers. My friend responded, shocked, “But don’t you work as a teacher…?” It is an unspoken requirement of the job. We maintain relentless expressions of joy, an earnest wonderment towards those whom we teach. And we are, too, appalled by those who do not exhibit a constant stream of cheerfulness. The teachers’ lunchroom is the repository for “bad” feelings about students, a site of negative feelings that can somehow stick (Ahmed, Happy 29) to those who choose to eat their lunch within this space. Only the most jaded battle-axes would opt to eat in the lunchroom. Good teachers—happy and caring ones—would never choose to eat lunch in this room. Instead, they eat lunch in their classrooms, alone, prepare dutifully for the afternoon’s classes, and try to contain all of their murderous inclinations. But (as the media love to remind us), whether intended or not, our corporeal bodies with all their “unwanted affects” (Brennan 3, 11) have a funny way of “surfacing” (Ahmed, Communities 14).Conclusion: Surging BodiesAffects surge within everyday conversations of teacher evaluations. In fact, it is almost impossible to talk about evaluations without sparking some sort of heated response. Recent New York Times articles echo the more popular sentiments: from the idea that evaluations are gendered and raced (Pratt), to the prevailing notion that students are informed consumers entitled to “the best return out of their educational investments” (Stankiewicz). Evidently, education is big business. So, we take our cues from neoliberal ideologies, as we struggle to make sense of all the fissures and leaks. Teachers’ bodies now become commodified objects within a market model that promises customer satisfaction—and the customer is always right.“Develop a thicker skin,” they say, as if a thicker skin could contain my affects or prevent other affects from seeping in; “my body is and is not mine” (Butler, Precarious 26). Leaky bodies, with their permeable borders (Renold and Mellor 33), affectively flow into all kinds of “things.” Likewise, teacher evaluations, as objects, extend into human bodies, sending eruptive charges that both register within the body and transmit outward into the environment. These charges emerge as upset, judgment, wonder, sadness, confusion, annoyance, pleasure, and everything in between. They embody an intensity that animates our social worlds, working to enhance energies and/or diminish them. Affects, then, do not just come from, and stay within, bodies (Brennan 10). A body, as an assemblage (Deleuze and Guattari 4), is neither self-contained nor disconnected from other bodies, spaces, and things.As a collection of sticky, “material, physiological things” (Brennan 6), teacher evaluations are very much alive: vibrantly shifting and transforming teachers’ affective capacities and life trajectories. Attending to them as such offers a way in which to push back against our own bodily erasure or “the screaming absence in [American] education of any attention to the inner life of teachers” (Taubman 3). While affect itself has become a recent hot-topic across American university campuses (e.g. see “trigger warnings” debates, Halberstam), conversations tend to exclude teachers’ bodies. So, for example, we can talk of creating “safe [classroom] spaces” in order to safeguard students’ feelings. We can even warn learners if material might offend, as well as watch what we say and do in an effort to protect students from any potential trauma. But we cannot, it would seem, matter, too. Instead, we must (if good and caring) be on affective autopilot, where we can only have “good” thoughts about students. We are not really allowed to feel what we feel, express raw emotion, have a body—unless, of course, that body transmits feel-good intensities.And, feeling bad about teacher evaluations ... well, for the most part, that needs to remain a dirty little secret, because, how can you possibly let yourself get so hot and bothered over a thing—a mere object? Yet, teacher evaluations can and do impact our lives, often in ways that are harmful: by inflicting pain, triggering trauma, encouraging sexism and objectification. But maybe, just maybe, they even offer up some good. After all, if teacher evaluations teach us anything, it is this: you are not simply a body, but rather, an “array of bodies” (Bennett 112, emphasis added)—and your body, my body, our bodies “must be heard” (Cixous 880).ReferencesAhmed, Sara. “Happy Objects.” The Affect Theory Reader. Eds. Melissa Gregg and Gregory J. Seigworth. 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